نقدی دیگر بر کتاب حماسه نایبیان

نقدی بر کتاب " حماسه ی طغیان"   در نظام های غیر مردمی ، یاغیگری یا طغیان متضمن افشای ستمگری حکومت یا فرادستان جامعه است و بهمین دلیل کمتر طغیانی است که بر بیداری و دلیری مردمی که شریک و شاهد آنند دامن نزند. طغیان ها را با وجود پایان تراژیک اکثر  آنها می توان " حماسه ی طغیان " بخوانیم . طغیانگرها در طول قرنها از میان مردم پایین یا توده  ی  جامعه بر خاستند که در تاریخ ایران به " عیاران " یا " لوطیان " شهرت دارند . در دوره ی آشفته ی قاجار دسته های متعدد عیار یا لوطی از جمله "نایب حسین بیران وندی یا کاشانی" سر به طغیان بر داشتند. نایب حسین مردی لوطی منش از دیار لرستان بود و طغیان او و یارانش حدود پنجاه سال ادامه داشت ( 1288-1337 ق). جنبش نایب حسین به نوشته حکومتگران ، اشراف و مالکان عمده، در تاریخ با الفاظی چون یا غیگری – راهزنی – شورش و تمرد توصیف شده است. هاشم بیگ جد بزرگ نایب حسین، 185 سال پیش از آغاز جنبش نایبیان، پس از ناکامی در ستیز بر سر ریاست با عموزاده ی خود در ایل بیران وند شاخه ی بانو که حمایت حکومت لرستان را پشت سر داشت، با نزدیکان خود به شهر کاشان تبعید شدند . در سال 1288 ق پهلوان حسین و برادرش پهلوان هاشم،به درخواست مردم برای نجات پسری خوش سیما از دست قاطرچیان بدمست ناصر الدین شاه،بپا خاسته و پسر را نجات دادند. ولی به دستور ظل السلطان حاکم اصفهان، داروغه کاشان پهلوان هاشم را دستگیر و با طناب خفه کرد. پهلوان حسین توانست از چنگ مامورین داروغه فرار کرده و برای دادخواهی خود را به تهران برساند . در تهران او را دستگیروبه دخمه زندان ارگ ناصرالدین شاه انداخته شد. مدتی بعد مهدعلیا مادر شاه که آوازه ی پهلوانی و خوش صدایی نایب حسین را شنیده بود، او را از زندان خارج کرده وبه خدمت خود گرفت و لقب نایبی را به او داد. 2 سال بعد پس از مرگ مادر ناصر الدین شاه، نایب حسین بعنوان مسئول قره سورانی راههای پیرامون کاشان انتخاب وبه زادگاهش بازگشت . نایب حسین از قره سورانی خود بهره جست و با یاری 9 پسر و عیاران و پهلوانان کاشان سازمانی را تشکیل داد که بنام " نایبیان" خوانده می شد. اعضای نایبیان در عین برادری و وفاداری به یکدیگر، ملزم به رعایت مقررات ویژه و سلسله مراتب خاصی بودند. نایب حسین فراتر از رهبر، مرشد و پیر حلقه محسوب می شد. نایبیان با حمایت از مردم عادی عملا در برابر اشراف و حکومتیان قرار می گرفتند. در پی همکاری مردم با فرقه ی نایبی راهها و روستاهای اطراف کاشان از امنیتی کم سابقه برخوردار شد. در سال 1304 ه ق دولت از بیم قدرت گرفتن نایبیان مقام قره سورانی را از نایب حسین گرفت، ولی او بی اعتنا به حکم دولت با گرفتن باج از مسافران مرفه و کاروانها ی تجاری، حقوق و مستمری راهداران را تامین می کرد. چون دولت قادر به جلوگیری از آنها نبود، لذا  هفت سال بعد در سال  1311 بار دیگر قره سورانی نایب حسین را به رسمیت شناخت. پس از مرگ ناصر الدین شاه و ضعف دولت مظفرالدین شاه، عیاران نایبی امور کاشان را نیزاز جانب دولت در دست گرفتند. 10 سال بعد در سال 1321 ه – ق اشراف و مالکان عمده کاشان با سفسطه توانستند دولت تهران را وادار کنند تا  نایبیان را از مناصب دولتی شان عزل کند. در سال 1325 حاکم جدید کاشان که از نفوذ رو به گسترش نایبیان در هراس بود، تلاش کرد نایبیان را سرکوب کند ولی قادر به اینکار نشد. در حین زد و خورد نیروهای دولتی با تفنگداران نایبی، بسیاری از خانه های نایبیان ویران و زنان و کودکان نایبی به اسارت گرفته شدند. مجلس به نایب حسین و عیارانش وعده ی جبران داد. ولی در زمانی که پسر نایب حسین یار ماشاء الله برای دادخواهی به تهران رفت، او را به جرم توطئه به سود محمدعلیشاه و با هدف حمله به مجلس، دستگیر و به اعدام محکوم کردند . ولی پسر با تدبیر پدر توانست پیش از اعدام از زندان بگریزد. دربار شاه که از گرویدن مردم عادی و تهی دست به نایبیان سخت به هراس افتاده بودند در سه نوبت نیروهای مجهزی را برای سرکوب نایبیان اعزام کردند. در هر سه جنگ نایبیان با دلیری و رشادت پیروز  و نیروهای دولتی را تار و مار کردند. پس از خلع محمد علیشاه ، مشروطه خواهان ابتدا به نایبیان وعده ی جبران دادند ، ولی سپس عهد شکنی کردند. شورای نایبی پس از قطع امید از دولت وارد عمل شد و خود املاک و اموال مصادره شده ی نایبی را پس گرفت و از اشراف غرامت خرابی هایی را که به اموال و بناهای آنها وارد شده بود گرفت. خدعه ی حکومتیان برای از میان بردن نایب حسین، فکر طغیان علیه دولت و تشکیل یک حکومت خودمختار را در او و یارانش تقویت کرد. از اینرو به تقویت قوای خود پرداخت و پرچم و سرود برگزید و بدین ترتیب دشمنان خود در تهران و کاشان را به وحشت انداخت و باعث شد در سال 1328 خان بختیاری هژیر السلطنه را با 6 هزار و به روایتی 12 هزار تفنگدار و 8 اراده توپ، برای سرکوب نایبیان روانه کنند . نایب حسین بهمراه جمعی از یارانش برای جلوگیری از تلفات مردم شهر، کاشان را ترک کرد. ولی چندی بعد موفق گردید که شهر کاشان را پس گرفته و نیروهای بختیاری را از کاشان بیرون کند. با بازگشت نایبیان، آوازه ی قدرت نایبیان در سراسر ایران پیچید و شایع شد که نیرو های دولتی قادر به سرکوب نایبیان نیستند.   ضعف دولت مرکزی باعث شد، دولت تهران بار دیگر قره سورانی راههای جنوب را به نایبیان واگذار کند. نایبیان مانند بسیاری از تندروان ایرانی با انگلیس و روسیه دشمنی کرده و از آلمان و سلطان عثمانی حمایت کردند وبرای این هدف خود به کمیته دفاع ملی پیوسته و جنگ کنان با قوای روسیه که وارد ایران شده و بیشتر شهرهای شمالی را به تصرف خود در آورده بودند به سوی بین النهرین روانه شدند. در حالیکه در چند جنگ قوای روسیه را به عقب راندند. پس از گذشت 18 ماه نایبیان از کمیته دفاع ملی جدا شده و به کاشان مراجعت کرده و بار دیگر اداره حکومت کاشان را در دست گرفتند. فساد و ضعف سیستم حاکمیت با تغییر سلطنت استبدادی به مشروطه از میان نرفت، زیرا دولتمردان و رجال اداری مشروطه، همان گردانندگان دوره ی استبداد بودند. در این میان نایبیان که از شهامت و جنگجویی بعنوان خصایص ایلیاتی بر خوردار بودند، به روش خود در حمایت از مردم عادی ادامه دادند. در نتیجه نیرویی ببار آمد که موجب نیم قرن تاخت و تاز در مرکز و جنوب ایران شد. گذشت زمان ، وشرکت در قیام رهایی ملی و تماس باروشنفکران آن زمان ، رشد سیاسی نایبیان را بهمراه داشت، و موجب گردید که آنها را مصمم تر در مبارزه با حکام خودکامه و دولت مستبد و بظاهر مشروطه خواه نماید. در 10 ژوئیه 1919 دولت بریتانیا رسما به نایبیان اعلام جنگ داد. همزمان دولت تهران برای رام کردن نایبیان به آنها پیشنهاد  واگذاری امتیازاتی را کرد ، از جمله پیوستن عیاران نایبی به ژاندارمری و دادن امان نامه به آنها. نویسنده کتاب امیر هوشنگ آریان پور معتقد است با وجود اینکه نایبیان خود را نماینده ی مردم تحت ستم می دانستند، و بنام آنها با ستمگران در مبارزه بودند؛ ولی بعضی از افراد آنها از فساد عمومی جامعه مبرا نبودند، و در فرصت های مناسب به طبقه فرودست دست درازی می کردند. ولی بر رویهم مردم طبقات پائین یاغی گری نایبیان را می ستودند زیرا آنرا قد علم کردن در برابر ظلم جکومت و اشراف غارتگر می دانستند.  در همین راستا در پایان کتاب به ذکر بخشی از بازجویی نایب حسین رهبر جنبش نایبیان که پس از دستگیری در اداره شهربانی تهران برگزار شده بود اشاره می شود: "هر چه بودیم و هر چه کردیم با مردم بودیم و با مردم کردیم ." نویسنده برای تهیه و تکمیل این کنتاب علاوه بر ذکر بالغ بر پانصد منبع ، کتاب و نوشته؛ به ترجمه مطالب بیش از دویست و پنجاه سند خارجی و ذ کر مطالب بالغ بر دویست سند دولتی ایران اشاره کرده است. و خواننده را به بخشی از تاریخ ایران و وقایع اسفناکی که گریبان ملت ایران را گرفته بودآشنا می کند. گرچه نایبیان در نهایت نتوانستند به اهداف خود برسند ولی دهها سال امید ستمدیدگان و مردمی بودند که در برابر مظالم حکومتیان بجز نایبیان پشتیبانی نداشتند. و بدین ترتیب "حماسه ی طغیان " را رقم زدند . "حماسه ی طغیان بررسی جنبش نایبیان کاشان بر اساس اسناد" کتابی از امیر هوشنگ آریان پور را نشر کتاب آمه در تهران منتشر کرده است. دکتر فرج اردلان شهریور ماه 1389 ویرجینیا - آمریکا   Faraj Ardalan <faraj.ardalan@gmail.com>

بررسی جنبش نایبیان بر اساس اسناد

بررسي جنبش نايبيان بر اساس اسناد

حماسه طغيان

جواد لگزيان از 1288 تا 1337 هجري قمري جنبشي مردمي در کاشان پديد آمد که با نام نايبيان آرمان زندگي بي ستم را در دل مردمان بيدار کرد. نايبيان که همگي از توده هاي تهيدست برخاسته و از روزگار مردم باخبر بودند، در شرايطي که فئوداليسم منحط قاجار عملاً کشور را به ويرانه تبديل کرده بود، به پا خاستند. بررسي دقيق اسناد برجا مانده تاريخي نشان مي دهد اين فرزندان بحق مشروطيت با اعتماد به نفسي تاريخي نه تنها مردانه در برابر دربار فاسد و غارتگر قاجار که در برابر متجاوزان روس و انگليس و باج خواهي آنها ايستادند و حماسه يي به يادماندني آفريدند؛چهره هايي مصمم که با امکاناتي فقيرانه راه را بر درباريان دزد و باجگيران روس و انگليس بستند و البته تهمت ياغي گري و راهزني را از سوي قاجاريان نابکار دريافت کردند. دارودسته منحوس سلطنتي هر چه توانستند، عليه اين فرودستان بلندهمت بافتند تا آنجا که آنها را صاحب گنج هاي عجيب و غريب قلمداد کردند و به همين جرم مورد بازپرسي قرار دادند، اما امروز اسناد به زبان آمده اند تا پاکي نايبيان پاکدل و جوانمرد را بيان کنند و غبار فراموشي از نام اين بهترين ها بزدايند. گرچه با نگاهي به لبخندهاي دلنشين و شعرهاي زيبا و نگاه دليرانه اين مبارزان بي همتا حقيقت دستگير آن که جوياي امر واقع است، خواهد شد. «حماسه طغيان، بررسي جنبش نايبيان بر اساس اسناد» کتابي است از «اميرهوشنگ آريان پور» و دريچه يي به نور دل هاي پاک آنها در روزگار سياه سلطنت. آريان پور با دقتي ستودني سوابق نايبيان و شخصيت فکري و روحيه آزادمنش آنها را در مسير حرکت تاريخي شان نشان مي دهد که يکسر با تصوير مجعول مورد نظر دستگاه تبليغاتي دروغ محور وثوق الدوله و بعدها پهلوي متفاوت و بلکه متضاد است. آريان پور در بيان چگونگي شکل گيري جنبش نايبيان مي نويسد طايفه بيرانوندي که در عصر نادرشاه افشار از لرستان به کاشان تبعيد شده بودند، از فشارهاي سياسي و اقتصادي حکومت و گروه هاي متنفذ محلي رنج مي بردند. بي گمان اين فشارها زمينه طغيان آن طايفه را فراهم آوردند. جنبش نايبيان با طغيان طايفه بيرانوندي کاشان در سال 1288 هجري قمري آغاز شد. محرک نهايي اين طغيان اجحاف مسعود ظل السلطان پسر ارشد ناصرالدين شاه نسبت به مردم کاشان بود. ولي سلسله يي از علل نزديک و دور در اين طغيان دخالت داشت و اجحاف ظل السلطان صرفاً جرقه انفجار آن شمرده مي شد. عواملي ديگر مانند استيلاي جو نافرماني و وفور ياغيان در ناحيه کاشان و تهور ايلي طايفه بيرانوندي که به عنوان پهلوان و عيار، خود را در برابر مردم مسوول مي دانستند، در آن طغيان موثر افتادند. سران نايبي در پرتو پهلواني و عياري و نفوذ در سازمان هاي صنفي و نيز سادگي و گرايش هاي مردمي و ايستادگي در برابر منابع بيداد و پشتيباني از جنبش هاي مردمي، توانستند همدردي مردم ساده را نسبت به خود جلب کنند و مايه اميد و تکيه گاه آنان شوند. با اين پشتوانه بود که نايبيان از آغاز سازمان نظامي و اداري کارآمدي برپا کردند. جاذبه معنوي سران نايبي و «هم کاسگي» يا برابري همه اعضاي سازمان و تصميم گيري سران بر اساس انجمن کردن يا مشاوره، سازمان را از وحدت و قدرت فراوان بهره ور گرداند. به گفته آريان پور نايب حسين در ابتدا از طرف حکومت براي جلوگيري از هرج و مرج به اداره امور کاشان فراخوانده شد. نايب حسين با صراحتي قاطع و پسرش يار ماشاء الله با ظرافتي مدبرانه حکومت مي کردند و رهنمود اجتماعي آنان تقريباً همواره همان طرحي بود که نايب حسين در دوره محمدعلي شاه تنظيم کرده بود. نايبيان بر اساس آن طرح، در هر زماني که بر ناحيه کاشان نفوذ بلامعارض داشتند، در جهت مصالح تنگدستان جامعه، در برقراري نظم و برگزاري عدالت و وصول ماليات و مجازات متخلفان اهتمام مي ورزيدند. نايب حسين و اطرافيانش خود را نماينده و مدافع مردم مي دانستند. يکي از دولتيان از زبان نايب حسين چنين نوشته است؛ «چندين سال حکام دزد و دغل به اينجا فرستاده شده، 10 خانه را محتاج به يک ديگ مسي کرده اند تا عاقبت من مجبور شدم که بيايم مردم را از دست آنها خلاص کنم.» با ديدن منش انساني نايب حسين اشراف فاسد به کارشکني و دسيسه سازي عليه او پرداختند و او خودمختاري نايبيان را اعلام داشت. دولت قانوني تهران گاهي براي پايان دادن به حکومت خودمختار نايبيان، عليه آن به لشگرکشي مي پرداخت. ولي معمولاً چون خود را قادر به جنگ با نايبيان نمي ديد، از روي مصلحت بيني، بر سلطه آنان صحه مي نهاد. در نتيجه نايبيان سال هاي سال در خطه گسترده خود که از حاشيه غربي و بخشي از حاشيه شمالي و حاشيه جنوبي دشت کوير که در مواردي از حوالي دامغان و سمنان و برخوار تا قم و کاشان و اردستان و طبس و اصفهان و نايين و اردکان و يزد و حتي مرز فارس و کرمان امتداد مي يافت، حکومتي خودمختار برقرار کرده بودند. چندان که دولتيان در آنجا جرات جولان نداشتند، حتي احمدشاه براي مسافرت به قم از مزاحمت نايبيان بيمناک بود. پس از انقلاب اکتبر در روسيه، انگليس يکه تازي در ايران را آغاز کرد و براي نابودي جنبش مردمي نايبيان وارد عمل شد. آريان پور با بررسي مدارک دولتي ايران و اسناد دولت انگليس و آوردن آنها در کتاب، وثوق الدوله را مجري اين سياست مي داند و مي نويسد رئيس الوزرا وثوق الدوله پس از نابودي کميته مجازات و اتخاذ سياست «کج دار و مريز» در برابر جنبش گيلان، براي اغفال نايبيان، به اظهار دوستي و ارسال هدايا متوسل شد. سپس جاسوسان و خرابکاران خود را براي نفاق افکني و ترور سران نايبيان به ميان آنان فرستاد ولي چون موفق به گرفتن نتيجه کافي نشد، نقشه يي وسيع تر براي انهدام نايبيان کشيد. مطابق اين نقشه، وثوق الدوله با فريب و پرداخت پول به دسته هاي راهزن، آنها را بر آن داشت که در حوالي کوير با نا امن کردن راه ها و روستا ها، واحدهاي قره سوران نايبي را که در کوير پراکنده بودند، به خود مشغول دارند. آنگاه يار ماشاء الله را فريفت و به تهران کشاند و با نگه داشتن واحدهاي همراه او در قم و شهرري، بر پراکندگي نايبيان افزود و در همان حين با حيله هاي گوناگون، واحد هاي ژاندارمري را که از پشتيباني نيروهاي پليس جنوب انگليسي ها که از طرف حکومت انگليسي هند ماموريت درهم شکستن نيروهاي نايبيان را دريافت کرده بودند و مزدوران بختياري تحت فرماندهي صمصام السلطنه برخوردار مي شدند، در کاشان و قم و ساير نواحي کويري، پيرامون واحدهاي نايبي مستقر کرد. سرانجام پس از ورود يار ماشاء الله به تهران، وثوق الدوله ضمن مذاکره با او و دادن همه گونه اطمينان به يارماشاء الله که جان و مال او و همه اتباعش در امان خواهد بود، غافلگيرانه يار ماشاء الله را دستگير کرد و بدون محاکمه بلافاصله به دار کشيد و پس از شبيخون زدن به نيروهاي نايبي، دست به کشتار و تاراج و ويراني کاشان زد. اين کشتار ناجوانمردانه سبب محبوبيتي مردمي براي نايبيان شد و در همين هنگام بود که ماشين دروغ پرداز وثوق الدوله به کار افتاد. آريان پور معتقد است مردم تحت ستم و از آن جمله برخي از نايبيان، از فساد عمومي جامعه مبرا نبودند. مسلماً در ميان نايبيان افرادي وجود داشتند که در فرصت هاي مناسب، مزاحم مردم و اموال آنان مي شدند. ضمن اينکه افراد نايبي به اقتضاي سادگي مردمي خود، تقريباً در همه کارها و حتي دستگيري و مکافات دشمنان، از پرده پوشي يا حفظ ظواهر برکنار بودند. از اين رو به آساني بهانه به دست مخالفان مي دادند. همين سادگي عمومي نايبيان سبب مي شد آنان علناً خود را ياغي و هماورد شاه بشمارند، به عنوان حکومت خودمختار نايبي، با دشمنان خود برخورد کنند و بي پرده به سرکوب آنان و ضبط اسلحه و اسب هاي آنان بپردازند، و مانند يک حکومت، عمل خود را مجازات و مصادره قانوني بدانند و حتي به آن تفاخر کنند. در اين باره نايب حسين خود ابيات متعدد سروده است. از جمله است؛ اگرچه من به چاهم، شاه در ماه من ياغي شرف دارم به صد شاه بگيرد بهر خود اموال مردم بگيرم بهر مردم باج از شاه دشمنان نايبيان که بهانه هاي فريبنده يي براي تخطئه نايبيان به دست مي آوردند، شادمانه معايب دستگاه نايبي را - البته به صورت هاي مبالغه آميز و همراه با انبوهي از معايب جعلي و دروغ هاي سلطنتي - در ميان مردم جار مي زدند. اما دليل واقعي ترس حکومت سلطنتي از ديدگاه آريان پور قدرت روزافزون نايبيان، نزديکي نايبيان به پايتخت، دوام نايبيان طي ده ها سال، سرمشق شدن نايبيان براي دسته هاي نافرمان و ياغي، کوشش نايبيان براي برقراري ارتباط و حتي اتحاد ميان دسته هاي نافرمان، محبوبيت نايبيان در ميان مردم ساده، بدرفتاري نايبيان با اشراف و دولتمردان، تلقين نايبيان به مردم براي ضبط اموال اشراف و حاميان خارجي آنها، رشد سياسي نايبيان و انتقال آنان از ياغي گري به شورش و قيام رهايي ملي و گرايش به انقلاب بوده است. کتاب اسناد ارزشمندي را براي تحقيق و پژوهش هاي بعدي به همراه دارد اما بهترين اين اسناد عکس هاي زيبايي از مردان شجاع نايبي است که با لبخند و اميد به دوربين نگاه مي کنند و از ما مي خواهند با نظر به نيم قرن مبارزه ضداستعماري و ضدسلطنتي آنها فردايي بهتر داشته باشيم. «حماسه طغيان، بررسي جنبش نايبيان بر اساس اسناد» کتابي از اميرهوشنگ آريان پور را نشر کتاب آمه در 664 صفحه ؛ کتابي که از گنجي بي نظير مي گويد که تا سال هاي بسيار در دل مردمان اين ديار خواهد ماند، گنج راستگويي و دليري در کارنامه مرداني نيک به نام نايبيان.

داستان طغیان نایبی به نوشته فریدون کدخدایی آرانی

داستان ظغیان نایبیان به نوشته فریدون کدخدایی آرانی

داستان طغیان نایبیان و دار و دسته او یکی از موضوعات روز و حدود 140سال از شروع آن می­گذرد. ولی هنوز نتوانسته و دانسته نشده است محققین و مورخین که بدان پرداخته­اند هرکدام جانب خود را گرفته از طرفداران نایب حسین و دار و دسته­اش بوده­اند و او را عیّار و در زمره­ی جوانمردان دانسته­اند که طی مسافرت به کشورهای هند و پاکستان و ریاضت­های سخت، سپس به شهرِ یار و دیار آمده، یار ضعیفان و ستمدیدگان و دشمن سرمایه­داران و مستکبران گردیده است و از طرفی پس از آن که ملکه مهد علیا به دارفانی شتافت، دو سال دیگر در تهران ماند و طبق فرمان، قره سورانی قم تا اصفهان را گرفت و به کار راه­داری و امنیت راه­ها و شوارع پرداخت. تا اینکه به او خبر دادند همسرش و پسر و همسر پهلوان هاشم به دست دشمنانشان به قتل رسیده­اند و این موضوع علت و باعث یاغی­گری او وخاندانش شد و حدود (45 سال) خطّه کاشان تا یزد و نائین و اردستان و تون و طبس صحنه زد و خورد و جنگ و خونریزی و هرج و مرج و ناامنی قرار گرفت. همان­طور که اشاره شد این نظریه موافقین نایب حسین و دار و دسته او می­باشد که در کتاب «طغیان نایبیان» نوشته «محمدرضا خسروی» مشروحاً آمده است و نیز کتاب «حماسه نایبی» اثر «منتخب السادات یغمائی» که مرحوم ملک المورخین سپهر نیز مقدمه­ای بر آن کتاب نوشته و با اهتمام آقای علی دهباشی در سال 1368 به چاپ رسیده است. حال ببینیم مخالفین که تعدادشان هم کم نیست چه می­گویند؟ حسن اعظام الوزراء قدسی در کتاب «خاطرات من» یا روشن شدن وقایع صد ساله اخیر بدین نکته اشاره دارد و اعمال و وحشی­گری­های نایب حسین و اتباع او را در کاشان و اطراف نطنز شرح داده و کشت و کشتار نایبیان را در شهر قدیمی و باستانی طبس و سوزانیدن کتابخانه قدیمی شهر به ویژه خونریزی و خونخواری یکی از اشرار به نام غلام کوچک برزی را مشروحاً نوشته و همچنین طریقه دستگیری نایب حسین و ماشااله خان سردار و دیگر نایبیان و اعدام آنها را در کاشان و تهران مفصلاً بیان داشته است. احمد کسروی نیز در کتاب مشروطیت و یا تاریخ هیجده ساله آذربایجان به این موضوع اشاره­ای دارد. نویسنده معاصر مرحوم حسن نراقی در کتاب «کاشان در دوران مشروطیت» و یا «تاریخ اجتماعی کاشان» و یا مرحوم آیت­الله ملاعبدالرسول مدنی و روزنامه­های زمان نایب حسین تماماً شرح کارها و جنایات نایب حسین و دار و دسته­اش را بیان داشته­اند. البته بعضاً نیز اشاره­ای به کارهای خیر نایب داشته­­اند. از جمله مرحوم آیت­الله ملاعبدالرسول مدنی که نظر خوبی به کارهای نایب حسین ندارد و او و دار و دسته­اش را از جمله اشرار شمرده، می­نویسد از جمله کارهای نیک نایب حسین، تأسیس یک معلم خانه بود که اطفال یتیم در آنجا ضمن تحصیل رایگان از لباس و خوراک نیز برخوردار بودند و در این اواخر به بعضی از سادات و اهل منبر کمک­های زیادی می­نمودند.

و نیز از جمله کارهای نیک نایب حسین اقدام قاطع در سفیدکاری بازار بزرگ و طولانی کاشان از بازارچه سردار (دروازه دولت) تا پانخل کاشان است که ظرف مدت شش روز به دست معماران و بنّایان ماهر سفیدکاری شد که موجب اعجاب همگان گردید. مرحوم ملاعبدالرسول مدنی می­نویسد در شعبان 1333 از جمله بناهایی که از روی ظلم گذاشت سفید کردن بازار بود از اول دروازه دولت تا پانخل که در ظرف شش روز سفید کردند که اگر حکم سلطان هم می­بود به این سرعت انجام نمی­گرفت. والد راقم این سطور که خاطرات زیادی از نایب حسین داشت ضمن برشمردن اعمال خوب و بد نایب اقدام او را در برگزاری عزاداری جهت حضر اباعبدالله الحسین می­ستود و می­گفت در مراسم تعزیه امام حسین (ع) در ماه محرم در باغ سردار (خیابان ژاندارمری) فعلی بزرگترین گروه تعزیه خوان و تعزیه گردان را که عده­ای از یهودیان کاشان نیز به عنوان جهودان قلعه خیبر شرکت داشتند به کار گرفته بود و خیل عظیمی از مردم کاشان و دهات اطراف جهت دیدن این تعزیه که شاید تاکنون نیز کسی به یاد نداشته باشد، حضور به هم می­رسانیدند. ابوی اینجانب از ترفند و شگردهای نایب در جنگ اطلاعاتی داشت که بنا به گفته نایب حسین جنگ را اگر ده قسمت کنیم، نه قسمت آن فرار از پیش روی دشمن و کشانیدن نیروهای او به طرف کویر مرکزی است که صد در صد به اضمحلال و هدر رفتن اردوی دشمن در کویر منجر می­شد و پیروزی نایب بر نیروهای دولتی اعم از اردوی قزاق یا سالدات­های روسی و یا نیروی عشایر بختیاری که نایب به شیوه جنگ و گریز که یادآور جنگ­های پارتیزانی زمان اشکانیان است. قوم پارت بدین نحوه یعنی در حال فرار از پیش روی دشمن از روی اسب به عقب برگشته و به طور قیقاچ نیروهای دشمن را از پای درمی­آوردند که این خلاصه­ای بود از نه قسمت جنگ که فرار بود و یک قسمت باقیمانده از ده قسمت که صرف پایداری و مقاوت می­شد. یکی دیگر از خاطرات ابوی این جانب مربوط به موقعی است که نیروهای دولتی، کاشان را محاصره کردند و از ورود هرگونه مایحتاج عمومی به شهر ممانعت به عمل آورده، آب قنواتی را که به سوی داخل شهر بود همه را برگردانیده یا اقدام به کور کردن قنات­ها نموده بودند و نظر به اینکه منبع اصلی خوراک مردم نان و آسیاب­های آبی نیز در خارج از شهر بود، از ورود آرد نیز ممانعت شدید به عمل آمده که مردم شهر تماماً در مضیقه آب و خوراک بودند اما به دستور نایب حسین در تمام منازل کاشان قنّاها اقدام به حفر چاه آب و همچنین تمام سنگتراش­ها برای مردم اقدام به ساخت آسیاب سنگی نمودند که باید به این ابتکار نایب حسین پس از گذشت یکصد سال که مردم کاشان را از قحطی و گرسنگی و بی­آبی نجات داد آفرین گفت. نایب حسین که دست اجانب نیز او را از لحاظ اسلحه و مهمات و پول و نقدینگی تقویت می­نمود و خود یکه تاز میدان قسمت اعظم ایران مرکزی شده بود، اقدام به ضرب سکه نمود و روی یک طرف آن این بیت شعر حک شده بود

(سکه بر زر زند به آسانی – شاه سلطان حسین کاشانی)

به هر روی غائله نایب حسین در سال 1296 هجری شمی و در زمان احمدشاه و وزارت حسن وثوق­الدوله عاقد قرارداد 1919 با مهر کردن قرآن مجید و باین این نکته که اگر ماشااله خان به تهران بیاید او را (سردار) خواهم نمود به همراهی یکصد تن از زبده سواران و تیراندازان ماهر که در مشهد اردهال کاشان از آنها سان دید با تفنگ­های سر و ته نقره عازم تهران شد که البته نایب حسین با رفتن ماشااله خان به تهران مخالف بود و با تأکید این نکته که این دولتی­ها تو را (سرِدار) خواهند کرد، نه سَردار (به معنای آن است که سر تو را به دار خواهند آویخت که چنانکه می­دانیم پیش­بینی نایب درست از آب درآمد و به محض ورود به شهر ری ماشااله خان سردار و دسته یکصد نفره­اش دستگیر شدند. ابتدا با تمهیدات خاصی کم­کم نیروهای ویژه او را در کاروانسرایی در شهر ری و در کنار حضرت شاه عبدالعظیم حسنی از وی جدا نمودند، سپس ماشااله خان و پهلوان رضا عصار و یک عده ده نفری عازم تهران شدند و سرانجام با این نیرنگ و خُدعه که چون به حضور اعلی حضرت احمدشاه شرفیاب می­شوید، همراه بردن سلاح جایز نیست، آنها را خلع سلاح کردند و آنگاه توسط نیروهای ژاندارمری به سرپرستی یک سرهنگ سوئدی آنها را دستگیر نمودند و پس از محاکمه­ی کوتاه آنها را در میدان قورخانه (توپخانه) (میدان امام خمینی) فعلی به دار مجازات آویختند. و بالاخره ماشااله خان به مکافات عمل خود رسید. لازم به ذکر است که در اقدام رفتن به تهران از طرف ماشااله خان بنا به گفته حسن اعظام الوزاره قدسی در کتاب  «خاطرات من» عامل و انگیزه دیگری نیز وجود داشت وآن جای پای دختری از خانواده یکی از شاهزادگان قاجار به نام «عصمت­الملوک» که دختر شاهزاده مجلل­الدوله قاجار و بس زیبا و نجیب بود که ماشااله خان سخت دلباخته او شده بود و دختر که یکی از تحصیل­کرده­های آن زمان و از مدرسه دارالفنون دارای دیپلم بود. ماشااله خان توسط دوستان و ایادی­اش در تهران شرایط سختی را که از طرف خانواده عروس گذاشته شده بود همه را پذیرفت و قبول کرد. همچنین شیر بهای هنگفت و ارسال مقدار متنابهی طلا و زیورآلات و قبول اسکان در تهران تماماً موردموافقت ماشااله خان قرار گرفت و مقرر شد جهت عقد و عروسی با دوشیزه عصمت­الملوک دولتشاهی مدت ده روز جشن گرفته شود که شب اول اختصاص داشت به شاهزادگان، شب دوم نظامی­ها و ارتشی­ها، شب سوم وزرا و شب چهارم خوانین مستقر در تهران و شب پنجم بازرگانان و شب ششم کسبه معتبر بازار و شب هفتم ورزشکاران و شب هشتم اقلیت­های مذهبی و شب نهم عامه مردم و شب دهم زندانیان. قرار کار نیز گذاشته و کاغذهای دعوت نیز نوشته شده بود که همان­طور که گفته شد ماشااله خان با پای خود به قربانگاه رفت  تقدیر، نقش خود را به خوبی ایفا نمود. از طرفی زن محبوب و سوگلی او به نام طلاخانم پس از اعدام ماشااله خان به تهران آمد و به عقد ازدواج سرتیپ ابراهیم ضرابی درآمد و خانم عصمت­الملوک دولتشاهی نیز نصیب سرتیپ رضاخان سوادکوهی که بعداً رضا شاه نام گرفت گردید و پرونده نایب حسین و پسران نه­گانه و دامادهای او و دار و دسته­اش به پایان رسید اما فرزندان باقی­مانده که خردسال بودند به تحصیلات عالیه پرداختند که خاندان فرهیخته و محترم آریان­پور همگی از نوادگان نایب حسین کاشی می­باشند

قلعه کهر شاهی- یکی از قلعه های متعدد نایبیان در حاشیه کویر مرکزی ایران

                                        قلعه تاریخی کهر شاهی

بر روی «دژ کرشاهی در نزدیکی روستای ابوزیدآباد هنوز هم آثار گلوله‌های توپ از نبرد نیروهای دولت ایران و خوانین بختیاری با نایب حسین کاشی، یاغی معروف دیده می‌شود.  برای رفتن به ابوزیدآباد و دیدن قلعه‌ای که روزگاری یکی از پایگاه های کویری نایبیان  بوده، باید ۷۰ کیلومتر از شهرستان آران و بیدگل استان اصفهان دور شد و پس از گذر از ابوزیدآباد، راه روستای قاسم آباد را در پیش گرفت، ۳۰ کیلومتر بعد از روستا، قلعه کهر شاهی دیده می‌شود.

دژ زیبای کرشاهی از شاهکارهای معماری دوران قدیم است.این بنا کاملأ با خشت خام احداث گردیده ودارای 5 برج بزرگ دیده بانی است. قلعه دارای غرفه‌ها و اتاقکهای و حیاط بزرگ میانی قلعه که در میان آن، حوض بزرگی وجود دارد و اتاق‌های شاه‌نشین زمستانی و تابستانی، انبار، اصطبل‌های طویل و بزرگ و برج‌های ستبر و بلند را جانمایی کرده با ترکیب و در هم‌گسیختگی فضاهای مختلف، طراحی منحصر به فرد این قلعه را به رخ می‌کشاند.

دور تا دور قلعه دو دیوار محکم کشیده شده‌، و برج‌های دیده بانی که تیراندازان در آن مستقر بودند کمی متمایل به بیرون ساخته شده بود تا به تمام محوطه اطراف اشراف و تسلط داشته باشند.

ضمن اینکه بین دیوار دوم و دیوار اصلی قلعه ،خندق و کانالی به دهانه ۵ متر کنده شده و اگر دشمن از دیوار اول و دوم میگذشت ،در آن خندق زمینگیر می‌شد و فرصتی برای تیراندازان قلعه به وجود می‌آمد تا آنان را از پا در‌آورند‌. قلعه ٣ دیوار داشته که دیوار اصلی قلعه بلندتر از بقیه است، باقی مانده دیوار اول در ضلع شرقی هنوز پابرجاست.

هنگامیکه قلعه محاصره می‌شود با این تصور که وقتی آب و آذوقه ساکنان آن تمام شود، تسلیم خواهند شد. اما غافل از اینکه معماران و سازندگان این شاهکار نظامی، حتی برای محاصره شدن هم پیش بینی کرده اند و در کویر خشک و بی آب و در چنین دشت وسیعی‌، قلعه را در جایی ساخته اند که سطح زمین با سفره‌های آب زیر زمینی‌، کمترین فاصله را دارد‌. به طوری که با کندن کمتر از پنج متر به آب می‌رسیدند.

  حوضی که اکنون نیز در وسط حیاط قلعه به چشم میخوردحدود 5 متر عمق دارد و تا چند سال پیش‌، همیشه پر از آب بوده است .(برکه و آبگیری که در محوطه غربی وجود دارد، هنوز هم کاملا پرآب است و تشنگی مسافران کویر را برطرف می کند)

بنابراین انتخاب مکان ساخت قلعه‌، در حالی که می‌توانست در هر جای دیگری از کویر ساخته شود‌، به نوبه خود‌، نشانگر درایت و دانش معماران آن است‌.

در آن زمان‌، در قلعه‌های ایرانی برای مقاومت در برابر محاصره‌، خرما و خشکبار و مخصوصا عسل را در کوزه و خمره‌های بزرگ نگهداری می‌کردند و با استفاده مقدار کمی از آن ،انرژی مورد نیاز بدن خود را به خوبی تامین می‌کردند و بدین ترتیب برای چندین سال آذوقه داشتند‌.

هنگام محاصره‌، سربازان از تونل‌های مخفی که از داخل به خارج قلعه کنده شده بود‌‌، شبانه به دشمن شبیخون می‌زدند و تعدادی از آنان را می‌کشتند.

قلعه در دوره‌های مختلف بارها بازسازی شده تا جلوی پیشروی دشمنانی را که قصد داشتند از راه کویر به مرکز ایران نفوذ کنند بگیرد. پس از آن قلعه مقر حاکمان و راهزنان دیگر شده است. آخرین‌بار هم نایب حسین کاشی قلعه را بازسازی کرد، البته در اواخر دوره قاجار.

یاغی عاشق پیشه

جای تعجب است اما این بنا، با همه مختصات دفاعی و نظامیش که مالکش آدم طرار و سرکش دوران و خطه خود محسوب می شده، در واقع بارگاه و جولانگاه شخصی با روحی عاشقانه و لطیف بوده است.

نایب حسین، یاغی دوره قاجار که به همراه ۹ پسر و نیروهای تحت امرش کل منطقه کاشان را تحت جولان و سیطره خود داشته، نواده شخصی به نام «هاشم بیگ» است در دوران ناد رشاه افشار،او و طایفه اش را از سمت خرم آباد به سمت کاشان تارانده بود.

آنطوری که می گویند، نایب حسین با پسرانش بعد از تراژدی مرگ همسر محبوبش، به مرور شروع به گردنکشی کرد و با حکومتی ها درافتاد ..

بر اساس کتب و مستندات موجود، نایب حسین خان پیش از ورودش به عصرخشونت،طراری و یاغی گری،دارای صفات روحی پهلوانی و لطیفی بوده است که از او یک چهره متناقض را به نمایش می گذارد.

جالب اینکه، این مرد خیره سر که وجهه نظامیگیری و یاغی گریش و به تبع بناسازی دژش، اسباب شهرتش شده،علاوه بر داشتن طبع شعر و موسیقی به اصل ازدواج توام با عشق پاینبد بوده است. با چنین روحیه ای او تا۳۰ سالگی دل درگروی کسی نداد تا اینکه دلباخته دختری به نام "تاج” شد و او را به همسری برگزید اما "تاجش” در هنگام زایمان به همراه نوزاد خودجان به جان آفرین تسلیم کرد و حزن گرانبار این واقعه باعث شد نایب حسین سر به بیابان بگذارد و بعد از مدتی براثر آشنایی با یک درویش به نام”مهدی قلی قوچانی”،راه آسیای میانه و کشورهای روسیه ،افغانستان و هندوستان را در پیش گرفت.

عاشق سرخورده در این سفر متاثر از مرشدش ضمن یافتن گرایشان صوفیانه، حافظه خود را به گنجینه ای از کلمات قصار و امثال و اشعار نغز قرار داد. نایب حسین خان همچنین در خلوتش نی می نواخت و با صدایی خوش،آواز می خواند و گهگاه نیز شعر می سرود و حتی برای یارانش نقالی هم می کرد. 

این عاشق دلشکسته که تا این مقطع از عمر خود وارد عصر گردنکشی نشده بود، در راه بازگشت به کشور مرشد خود،مهدی قلی قوچانی را در مشهد از دست داد و همین واقع روی او اثر عمیق گذاشت.  

او که درکاشان در سلک پهلوانان بود،بعد از بازگشتش دو بار دیگر نیز تن به ازدواج داد:بار اول دختری از روستای”نشلج”کاشان و بار دوم دختری تهرانی از اهل دربار را به عقدش درآورد که ثمره آنها 9 پسرو 3 دختر بودکه فرزندان خلف پدر در عرصه یاغی گری شدند و حتی یکی از آنها به نام "ماشاالله خان" که توسط حاکم وقت کاشان در حد مقام سرهنگی نیز منزلت پیدا کرده بود، در عرصه یاغی گری نیز گوی سبقت را از پدر ربود.

عاقبت کار این یاغی نازکدل و هنردوست به جایی رسید که با برومند شدن پسرانش از زی صوفی گری خارج شد و بر حکومت شاهان ظالم قاجارسر به شورش ، خود مختاری و سرکشی نهادند

در واقع، یاغی دژکرشاهی که در دنیای شیدایی آنچنان اسیر کمند سلطنت صاحب قلعه عشق می شد، در عرصه آوردگاه نظامی هم وضع بهتری نداشت و به رغم سال‌ها یکه تازی و سرکشی بی امان، بالاخره جان بر سر اینکار گذاشت.

البته یاغی نایب حسین خان در ارتفاعات «یخاب» و «سیاه کوه» در۳۰ کیلومتری شمال دژ کرشاهی نیز دارای دژ های دیگری بود که در مواقع مقتضی از آنها استفاده می کرده است.

اودر تاریخ ۲۰ ذیحجه 1337 قمری(11 دیماه 1298) در تهران اعدام شد.

          The Kaharshahi or Gaharshahi fortress, which was one of the strongholds the Nayebies built for themselves, was considered their headquarters outside Kashan. The ruins of this castle are thirty kilometers from the Abuzeid-Abad village. The Kaharshahi fortress was built on the highlands in the North, with a hill overlooking it, upon which the towers were built. Siahkooh surrounded the fortress in the South, and the Nayebies built tunnels from the fort to the Siahkooh mountains (Foladvand, 1364, p.21).

          During the First World War, and with the help of German engineers,  Nayeb made some adjustments to the fortress, fortifying it against cannons. The fort had two thick walls, so that a horseman could easily ride between the two walls. Lookout towers were built with precise holes. Inside the fortress there were large basements that stored enough food supplies to feed two thousand riders for a year. In addition, a mill and a spring were located in the middle of the fort, with the excess water poured into the gully around the outer wall. Hence, there was a swamp around the Kaharshahy at all the times. (foladvand, 1364, p.22). Kaharshahy was considered the Nayebies’ best fortress .

امیر مرتضی آریان پور. فرزند ششم سردار جنگ کاشان و نسل سوم نایبیان

امیر مرتضی آریان پور فرزند ششم یار ماشاء الله سردار جنگ کاشان
نسل سوم نایبیان

جهانبخش آریان پور نوه پسری یار ماشاء الله خان سردار جنگ گاشان

(پدر ایشان آقای امیر مرتضی آریان پور فرزند ششم یار ماشاء الله )

مهرداد مشایخی نتیجه پسری یار ماشاء الله سردار جنگ کاشان

پدر مهرداد دکتر مرتضی مشایخی و مادرش آرین دخت آریان پور فرزند امیر مهدی آریان پور فرزند ارشد یار ماشاء الله

امیر مهدی و امیر عباس فرزندان یار ماشاء الله خان سردار جنگ کاشان با " لله " خود هنگام تحصیل در مدرسه آلیانس تهران. سال 1297 شمسی

The Nayebi Saga part two بخش دوم جنبش نایبی - تحقیق 3 تن از پرفسورهای دانشگاه اصفهان

Chapter Two

What has been written by other researchers?

This article has been extracted from:

INTERDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL OF COIN TEMPORARY RESEARCH IN BUSINESS COPY RIGHT © 2013 Institute of Interdisciplinary Business Research 113  MAY 2013 VOL 5, NO 1

            " An Analysis of the Performance of Nayeby Exiles to Kashan "Causes and factors for the Emergence and Continuation of their Rebellion" Seyyed Mahmoud Saddat PhD Candidate of Local History, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Persia. Morteza Nouraei Associate Professor of History, History Department, University of Isfahan, Hossein Mir Ja'fari Professor of History, History Department, University of Isfahan.

Abstract:

Nader Shah Afshar often punished tribes and local groups by deporting them to other places in Persia. A part  of one of these tribes, known as the Beyranvand a district of Lorestan¹  Province was exiled to Kashan in the early eighteenth century. A feud soon developed between two cousins vying for the chieftaincy of this tribe in 1797AD. Nader Shah settled the dispute by banishing one of the cousins, Hashem Bayk to Poshte mashhad, a district outside the city of Kashan. Hashem Bayk, opened a wool - dying shop and became a prosperous business man (The Nayeby uprising- Toghyan Nayebyan p.31)    

 The present research seeks to find the various“Causes and Factors for the Outbreak and Continuation of their Rebellion.”

    

1- Natural Positions

                   Kashan2 city is located in a semi-desert area, surrounded by high mountains, near the Central desert, also known as Kavir Persia. Nayeb Hossein Kashi and his sons took advantage of the special features of Kashan environment during the years 1250- 1298 Shamsi (1881-1919AD) to continue their rebellion against the Qajar dynasty 3  [Nasser-al- Din Shah, Mozafar- al- Din Shah, Mohamd Ali Shah, and Ahmad Shah]. They knew how to benefit from the protection of the scattered local mountains of Karkas and Siahkooh, which provided the best opportunity for fighting against, and when necessary, hiding from, the invading forces. After many fights and flights, they had learned how to use the natural features of the desert area, which for most of the year was very hot and dry, and a very difficult place to traverse without sufficient food and water

Various fighting forces, including Bakhtiaries, Cossacks, and the Gendarmes, were sent every now and then from the capital to Kashan.  When they reached Kashan,  they would often find that Nayeb Hossein and his men had already left the city, relocating their fighting force to one of their strongholds in the middle of the desert, such as Siahkooh. 4

Whereas Nayeb, his men, and their horses were safe inside their fortress with plenty of food, water, and ammunition, the pursuing forces lacked the same accouterments!

This is because the Nayebies were familiar with the desert, and their desert fortresses had been provided with required supplies well in advance.

The Bakhtiary clans, who had emerged mostly in mountainous and mild climate regions, could not fight in very hot and dry environments.

 The Karshahi or Gaharshahi fortress, which was one of the strongholds the Nayebies built for themselves, was considered their headquarters outside Kashan. The ruins of this castle are thirty kilometers from the Abuzeid-Abad village.      

The Karshahi fortress was built on the highlands in the North, with a hill overlooking it, upon which the towers were built. Siahkooh surrounded the fortress in the South, and the Nayebies built tunnels from the fort to the Siahkooh mountains (Foladvand, 1364, p.21).

 During the First World War, and with the help of German engineers,5 Nayeb made some adjustments to the fortress, fortifying it against cannons. The fort had two thick walls, so that a horseman could easily ride between the two walls. Lookout towers were built with precise holes. Inside the fortress there were large basements that stored enough food supplies to feed two thousand riders for a year. In addition, a mill and a spring were located in the middle of the fort, with the excess water poured into the gully around the outer wall. Hence, there was a swamp around the Karshahy at all the times. (foladvand, 1364, p.22). Karshahy was considered the Nayebies’ best fortress

    

2- Disagreement and division between the people of Kashan

Disagreement and division among the citizens of Kashan is considered to be one of the contributing factors for the continuance of the Nayeby rebellion. The citizens of Kashan were divided into two groups: those who supported and those who opposed Nayeb. In addition, residents inside the city walls humiliated and ridiculed the residents of Poshte Mashhad [outside the city walls]. This mockery would push the Poshte Mashhadi to look more favorably upon the Nayebies, who, for their part, were often considered by common people as their champions and their saviors. In due time Nayebies became their leaders, and the Poshte Mashhad neighborhood became one of the main Nayeby centers, even a headquarters of sorts.

Soraya newspaper wrote the following words about the causes of the outbreak:  “ . . . this has happened just because of disagreement and division among the city’s residents; that means there are people who actually worship Nayeb Hossein. They use functional plans, with a thousand devices and tricks, to protect them from arrest or harm by government forces . . .” (Soraya Newspaper, 1337 A.H.p.4). [ Lunar Islamic year]

Both pro- and anti-Nayeb groups continued their efforts more seriously after the constitutional revolution. The Nayebies benefited considerably from this division between the citizens of Kashan. In particular, Mashallah Khan was capable of sparking conspiracies, tepidity, and animosity between people; at times he behaved nicely toward one group of people, while neglecting the other group. The purpose of his policy was to start a conflict among the influential citizens of Kashan, and then to benefit from this conflict. When the situation was not in accordance with his plans, he would change his attitude and carry out the reverse.  (Madani. 1378 A.H. pp. 71-72).

There were supporters and opponents of the Nayebies among constitutional opposition groups and pro-constitutionalists. The main operating centers of these groups were two local newspapers: Kashan Newspaper was the center of the Nayeb supporters; Nayeb Al-Sadr was the publisher in 1329 AH/ 1911 AD. Soraya Newspaper, published by Fakhr Al-Vaezin, was the center of the Nayeb opponents.

Kasravi has written the following about Kashan Newspaper: “A newspaper was published in Kashan with the same name of the city; the costs of the newspaper were paid by Nayeb and his sons through their high incomes” (Kasravi, 1374 A.H., p.627).

The liberals had created a secret society in which “they had agreed on achieving their righteous goals by repelling all wrongdoings of noble men . . .” (Madani. 1378 A.H.. page 98). This group included Seyyed Ebrahim Poushteh Mashhadi,6 Agha taghi, and Hossein Al-Eslam. They began to suppress the Nayebies, but they were unsuccessful, and were dispersed after awhile. They had even tried to remove their names from the list of the association (Madani. 1378 A.H.. p. 98). 7 Madani has considered the wrongdoing nature of Kashi’s elite as one of the reasons why the Nayebies became more powerful (1378. p.22).

Nayeb made use of these divisions to reach his goals. Rough and noble people were entered into this play, too. A number of Kashi nobles had spent money to keep Nayeb, whereas others had spent more money to suppress them. This type of dispute cancelled their efforts, one way or the other, and, of course, Nayebies benefited from this situation. The nobles of the city were therefore involved in the durability of the uprising (Bahrami. 1363, p. 361). Whenever, for any reason, the Nayebies had to leave the town, their supporters would try hard to bring them back to the city, and welcomed them with respect and warm greetings. (Navaie and Baghaie. 1379, p. 168). Not all the people who came to greet them were Nayeb supporters; a number of them were ordinary people who went to greet them because they were afraid of them.

3- Nayebyan devices and tricks

Nayebyan were so skillful in riding a horse and shooting a rifle while holding themselves under the belly of the horse. Most of Nayeb’s men, especially the group’s leaders, learned to ride horses at very young age. Mashallah Khan, Nayeb’s ablest son, was a very good shooter and horseman.

These skills had given the Nayebies an upper hand when at war with their enemies. Another trick, used when being pursued by enemies, was to discourage them by tossing a few silver and gold coins here and there; the followers immediately forgot about their mission, and started to look for the coins.

At the pinnacle of his power, Nayeb Hossein had two thousand fighting men, fully armed and ready for battle; five hundred of them served him directly, another five hundred were in services of Mashallah Khan, and the others were scattered in villages and roads and were called in crucial times .8

 Two developments allowed the Nayebies to continue expanding. One of these was access to six cannon turrets, as well as ammunition, from the government, which increased the fighting power of the Nayebies. 9

The second was Germany’s military support during the First World War. Germany offered material aid, such as supplying guns, and German advisors trained Nayeby’s men. As a result, after the war no military force in Persia had the power to deal with Nayebies¹⁰

Another factor that made Nayeb powerful, and helped him avoid surprise attacks, were efficient spies who gave him timely, important, and decisive news. ¹¹           These spies were active in Tehran, Qom, and Kashan. Nayeb’s spies in Tehran were divided into two groups. The first group was made up of politicians who delivered  a copy of the intact telegraphs of the opposing group in Kashan to Nayeb. One example, which can be mentioned in passing, was when Ein-Al-Douleh (Prime Minister) delivered the complaint letter of Ali Naraghi to Nayeb (Kasravi, 1374 A.H.. p.570). However, we cannot call Ein-Al-Douleh Nayeb’s spy, but his action apprised Nayeb of what the capital was deciding to do. Apart from Ein -Al-Douleh, there were other people who were in contact with Nayeb, and he would grant them valuable rewards. The second group of Nayeb’s spies was made up non-politicians. Among them we can refer to Ghanbar Ghahvehchi and two prostitutes called Aziz Kashi and Ahoo Esfahani. The famous Ghanbar coffee shop (Ghahveh khaneye Ghanbar) was situated in the large Bazar (market) of Tehran. Nayeb had a friendly relationship with Ghanbar. Ghanbar would inform him of the news related to the dispatching of the troops to Kashan.

In the year 1915 A.D. Kashan was attacked. Aziz Kashi heard that the army was going to be dispatched to Kashan. She immediately sent one of her prostitute women to the secretary of the army to gain information from him. Mary, the famous woman, gained valuable information from the army chief and she even stole a letter from him which contained some information about the number of troops and their weapons - (Foladvand, 1347, p. 10). Aziz Kashi delivered this letter to Nayeb, so he had complete information about the number of invading troops and their weapons. When the army left Qom for Kashan, another of Nayeb’s spies in Qom immediately came to Kashan to inform him. One can read many stories similar to this one in Mashallah Khan’s handwritten memoirs: There is a report from Qom (Kashi, 1365 A.H., No 219-220, p. 103), “Upon their arrival to Qom, a report containing detailed information about the force was delivered to us” (Kashi, 1356. No. 221, p. 1030), which refers to the fact that there were some spies between Tehran and Kashan who would have sent any information to Nayebies. Apart from these cases, there were also Road Guard posts at all roads ending in Kashan, which immediately made Mashallah  Khan aware of the latest news about the movements or arrival of enemy troops (Doulat Ababdi. 1371, No.4, p.l 1).

 The people, who were travelling to the South of Persia, would be happy to visit Mashallah Khan in Kashan, and be his guest for a few days. The Nayebies gained valuable information from these guests: Yahya Doulat Ababdi and Abdollah Bahrami were two of them.

 Serving the citizens of the capital was one of the Nayebies’ techniques. Indebted to the Nayebies and they would then show their gratitude by informing them of all the political news in Tehran.

One of the other crucial tricks the Nayebies practiced, was disabling the guns of the troops who were dispatched to Kashan from Tehran. Upon learning that government forces were coming to Kashan, Nayebies would send a team of well-trained men to Qom. They would try to buy the bullets carried by the soldiers and replace them with fake bullets (Foladvand. 1347. p. 12); when the Army forces reached Kashan, they could not shoot the Nayebies with these fake bullets, and the result was the disintegration of that dispatched force.

 With these techniques and tricks, they were able to hold back the many troops who were dispatched from Tehran or Isfahan for many years, and continued with their rebellion, autonomy, or rule of self-determination.

4- Rulers of Kashan and the inefficiency of local authorities

4.A Rulers of Kashan In the Qajar period, most of the provincial governorships were in fact purchased in Tehran. It was an open secret in the national capital, according to statements made by various members of the Persian  government.1¹

The Shah of Persia was a young man who was represented as being exceedingly fond of money by the people who knew him. In fact, the Shah’s attitude indicated that he would probably be the last Shah Persia would have. So before he lost his royal position, he should collect as much money as he could!

The appointment of Kashan governors was no exception to this rule. Therefore, the first mission of the governor had been to collect as much as he could to compensate three or four fold the amount he paid to obtain this job! Governors of Kashan paid no attention to the economic situation of the people of Kashan, or possible drought or other problems of agricultural production. So there were always complaints against the Kashan governors (SAKMA: 290000556). As a result of this mismanagement, bankrupt farmers had to leave their lands so they would not be forced to pay taxes. The Nayebies hired these unemployed people as riflemen. In fact, the poor performance of the Governors indirectly helped to increase the power of the Nayebies. And at the same time, the governors could not afford to oppose the Nayebies, and had to tolerate them because they did not want their areas to be affected by events out of their control! In addition, most of the time the governors relied on the power of Nayeb Hossein to suppress their local opponents or enemies whenever necessary (SAKMA: 29391579).

 Amir Moa’zez Kashi, one of the rulers of Kashan, had a very close relationship with Nayeb; as a result, people experienced a relatively safe and secure period in Kashan. So when they heard of the dismissal of Amir Moa’zez, citizens of Kashan protested against that order. Amir Moa’zez threatened that if he was ousted, evil villains will be back in the town. This also helped continue the Nayeby outbreak. At certain periods, when the central government decided to suppress Nayebies, they would be faced with the objections of the masses. As they learned in due time, tolerating the Nayebies was much better than fighting them.  So the plan to get rid of the autonomous Nayeb Hossein was not met with universal acceptance.

 4.B The inefficiency of local authorities

 After the establishment of the constitutional government, authorities were consistently faced with different problems, since they had adopted a decentralized method of allocating funds. Thus, for example, the Kashan municipality had to receive its budget from the financial administration of Kashan based on their own request and the command of the Capital. A lack of cooperation between these two governmental authorities led to inefficiency. This inefficiency was followed by the people’s dissatisfaction. Even the payroll of the government staffs was delayed. There are some records from this period which show that employees of these offices always complained about their late salaries (SAKMA: 2400129552). One way to solve their personal financial problems was for such employees to accept bribes from taxpayers who, in turn, asked these officials to reduce their taxes!

 The Nayebies also paid them annual allowances, and they would do what they wanted them to do. 1²

 A series of dramatic events took place in the years following the establishment of the constitutional government (1907. Until the coup of 1921  AD): the bombardment of the parliament, the conquest of Tehran by tribes, the establishment of a second constitution, Russia’s ultimatum, and the First World War. Several important mishaps in Tehran prevented the Cabinets from establishing the new laws of the constitution, and from enforcing these new laws. There were many reasons why those problems could not be solved. One of the main reasons was the instability and short life of the cabinets. The average life of each Cabinet was only three months. 1³ Some of the Cabinets had a tendency towards Russia, while others were supported by the British. There was an open rivalry between the Russians and the British. 1⁴

Both sides wanted to have the upper hand in manipulating the Persian authorities. Although on paper Ahmad Shah was considered the “shadow of God on earth,” he had no power, and most of the short-lived Prime Ministers tried to place all the elements of power in their own hands!

Sheibani has described this situation in the following poem: “The Prime Minister the King of Persia, isn’t he? He is. He is the king of bustle and title, isn’t he? He is.”

During this period one easily notices the weaknesses of the central government. All around the country, governors, tribal leaders, rebels, influential local khans, and big landowners all took advantage of this opportunity and formed their own local kingdoms.

In the central desert of Persia, from Khorasan to Esfahan, people like Mohammad Neishabori, Ramezan Beceri, Nayeb Hossein Kashi, Jafar Goli Khan Charmhini, Reza Jozani, KhaliI Touzani, Mohammad Shangoli and Ahmad Khan Mourcheh Kharti and Cheragh Ali Bakhtiary, tried to become the rulers of their respective areas. Even when the government in Tehran gathered a force to deal with one of the above rebels, the foreign countries somehow interfered and the planed mission was postponed ¹⁵   

Nayeb Hossein, who was the closest rebel to the capital, continued his rebellion for many  years, gradually expanding his autonomy in the central part of the country. Russian, British, and German authorities knew him well.1⁶

5- Lack of Army

For over two centuries Persia never had a permanent military! But whenever there was a foreign attack, the central government would ask different tribes to send some of their riflemen to take part in the fight against the enemy. Of course an army consisting of untrained, undisciplined, unwilling peasants unsurprisingly led to the loss of many lands around the Caspian Sea (on 1812 A.D.), Herat in Afghanistan (on  1857 A.D.), part of Baluchistan, and many Islands in the Persian Gulf. So one could see the Army of our country was not a permanent force; it was formed at the time of enemy attack and was dissolved after the affair.

During the reign of Naser- Ed- Din Shah, on the year 1979 AD. He asked the Tsar of Russia to provide him with an army consisting of Russian officers and non-commissioned officers as well as Persian soldiers. A few years later Swedish officers also established the Gendarmerie. These two forces formed the backbone of Persia’s military. But the problem was that both of these forces were under the sole control of Russian and Swedish officers who took their orders from the Russian government rather than the Persian central government. The Gendarmerie also carried out its own policy rather than that of the Persian government (during World War One, Swedish officers and their Persian Gendarmes joined the German forces in Mesopotamia) 1⁷

 6-B.  Government corruption

      Bakhtiary clans saw the Nayebies as a way of getting rich and earning money! As explained above, the country had no regular army to dispatch to Kashan for suppressing Nayeb Hossein. The central government had to ask the Bakhtiary Khans to organize a force to send to Kashan. The government had to pay large amounts of money for the force dispatched to Kashan. Bakhtiary forces would go to Kashan and in many occasions would not find the Nayebies since the latter had already left Kashan! When this happened, the Bakhtiaries simply claimed their payment from the government, then proceeded to plunder the city. And no one would dare ask for their punishment! (Sharif Kashani, v.3. P.718).

Later on, when the Nayebies came to their senses and decided to quit their rebellion and stick to their road guarding missions, they received the approval of the Central Government.1⁸

As result of this newfound loyalty the great sums of money given to the Bakhtiaries for their useless campaigns were now cut. The Bakhtiary Khans could not tolerate the loss of that easy income, and were upset that these former bandits had changed their attitudes, and obtained official positions from the Central Government. So, they had to do something to reverse the situation, to show that bandits and rebels will always remain bandits and rebels! The Bakhtiary therefore tried to prove that the Nayebies had not changed, and were in fact still robbers and rebels (Navaie and Baghaie, 1379, p. 187).

The Bakhtiary were responsible for a number of provocations. They sent their own riders to villages to kill and rob people, but did so in the name of the Nayebies! This was intended to provoke the Nayebies into reverting to their previous outlaw attitudes. 1⁹

 Moreover, they finally succeeded in influencing the government to send a force of thousands to Kashan, commanded by several Bakhtiary Khans, including Cheragh Ali Khan Bakhtyary, who, for his part, boasted a mile-long ugly resume, filled with banditry, murder, and pillage

Dispatching Bakhtiary mercenaries to Kashan to suppress the Nayebies forced the Nayebies to augment their forces with more men and to equip themselves with more modern weapons. It is a well-known fact, however, that all these Bakhtyary incursions against the Nayebies were negative.

 The Bakhtyary’s interference, constantly trying to take advantage of the mishaps and disobedience of the Nayebies, can therefore be seen as one important and effective factor for the continuation of their defiance.

7- International Factors

7.A. British Foreign Policy towards Persia  

After the wars of Persia and Russia ( First war 1803- 1813.AD. second war 1826 - 1828 AD.) 2⁰ and in particular with the attack of Mohammad shah to Herat. 1857 AD.2¹ The British policy was focused on the weakening of the central government and creation of multiple centers of power, and turned to decentralized policy.

This policy came to an end from around 1918 to 1919 AD. So in or 1919, particularly during Vossogh - el -Douleh  Premiership, England performed a major political about-face, deciding instead to support the creation of a powerful central government in Persia.

During the period in which the focus was on multiple policy centers, rebellions of different sorts took place in many parts of the country. Nayeb Hossein and his son Mashallah Khan, who apparently were hostile to British, either willingly or unwillingly helped England achieve its general goal of keeping power divided. Complete reports of the incidents related to Nayeby rebellion can in fact be found in the telegrams sent by British political agents to their superiors!

 After the treaty of 1907 AD,2² which divided Persia into two restricted areas (Russians in control of the North, the South in the hands of British, and Tehran and the central desert remaining a neutral zone), Kashan was considered to be part of the neutral zone, and Great Britain apparently did not interfere in this region. It should be noted in passing that Nayeb Hossein had requested to be included in the British zone, but his request was rejected (Kiyanfar and Estakhri. 1363, p. 268). In spite of this claim to neutrality, of course, the British carefully watched and controlled everything that went on in this sensitive area!  { this is claim is not supported by any other acceptable documents.}

Just before the start of First World War, the Germans began sending spies to different areas of Persia to incite tribes, ethnic groups, and rebels to oppose the British. Among the groups who collaborated with the Germans were the Nayebian, Lors, Ghashghaies, and a few other ethnic minorities. As the result of this favorable tendency towards Germany 2³ the British changed their policy about keeping power divided in Persia.

 During and after the war, there was always news about the wickedness of the Nayebian gang, the murders they allegedly committed, and so forth. Raad, a pro British newspaper, for instance, emphasized the need for the central government to suppress bandits like the Nayebies. But one observes that there was little news about this supposed wickedness in other newspapers, such as “Kaveh newspaper,” a pro-German newspaper. Others only reported on the cooperation and partisanship of Nayebies with the Nationalists and German forces, especially during their migration journey to western Persian lands. {The Raad newspaper’s stories about crimes carried out by Nayebies gang in Kashan could not be true, as the Naiebies were at that time a thousand kilometers away from Kashan, all the way in Mesopotamia!}

The great events during the war years, 1914-1918, the decision to join with the Nationalists 2⁴ and their travels in Mesopotamia, all provided the Nayebies with a great opportunity to forge contacts and even live with some of the well-educated men who had joined the migration to establish a Government without a Shah. This proximity had a positive effect on Nayeb Hossein and his son Mashallah Khan.   They realized that Kashan was not the whole country, but in fact only a very small part of Persia. Soon, the rest of the men in the Mojahedin group also noticed a positive change in the Nayeby leaders’ attitudes

It has been written (Ghasemi, 2537, p. 51) that the “Nayeb is begging permission to visit Karbala from the Persian government.” {It should be noted that this is not a true statement: for over 18 months Nayeb Hossein and Mashallah Khan, along with his 600 armed men, had joined the nationalist Mojahedin, and they had no contact with Persian government!  The actual truth is that Nayeb  Hossein and Mashallah Khan asked the head of Mojahedin (Nezam -al-Saltaneh) to go to Kebala, and visit the sacred Sherines}

 At the end of the war, the Nayebian returned to their homeland in Kashan. With the promotion of Vossogh -el-Douleh to the Premiership of Persia [1]  British policy had become clearer. Vossogh Al-Douleh was seeking to collect documents to show to the public the Nayeby gangs were rebels , brigands and anti government!

 He also claimed he had obtained a document proving that the Nayebys had an agreement with one or two of the Lor tribes as well as Mirza koochek Khan in Guillan to form a united front to overthrow the central government. {  Toghyan Nayebian, M.R. Khosrovi, page162.}                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        

 The British authorities, with the advice of Vossogh- el- Douleh, asked Mashallah Kahn and his men to travel to Tehran to discuss their differences with the Prime Minister (Vossogh- el- Douleh). He was assured  of safe passage. 2⁵

In the meantime, Mashallah Khan accused some people in Kashan of being Bolsheviks, and informed the authorities in Kashan, Tehran, and even the British consulate in Esfahan. (Navaie and Baghaie. 1379, p.273). 2⁶

    

At first Mashallah Khan was reluctant to go to Tehran, as he trusted neither the Persian Prime Minister nor the British.

A few weeks later the Prime Minister ordered the chief of the Persian Gendarmerie to issue another safe conduct assurance for Mashallah Khan, promising that his life and property would be safe if he travelled to Tehran. 2⁷    

At last Mashallah Khan decided to go to Tehran in the hope that he might be able to solve the Nayeby's five decades old disputes with Tehran Government.

 Mashallah Khan finally decided to travel to Tehran, where he was cordially welcomed by the Prime Minister and some of his officials. In the meantime Vossogh -el- Douleh made certain that the military forces he sent to Kashan were properly situated in the Kashan Province, and everything was under his control! Vossogh- el- Douleh then ordered his Swedish chief of Police to arrest Mashallah Khan and a few of his associates at the Prime Minister's residence. Of course when he was arrested the British and the Persian authorities who had issued the safe conduct for his life and property and given him assurances! Never referred to or talked about assurances! He was of course arrested as an outlaw and a brigand who had been in rebellion against the home land, murder and the confiscation of Government and civilian property. He was the first victim of changes in British policy with regard to the Persian government’s centralization of power, and the 1919 protectorate pact!

 Sir Persi Cox, the British ambassador, wrote the following sentences in the attached letter of 1919 Contract – clear evidence of British political about-face designed to strengthen the central government. “I hope you have certainly found that the British government always has tried to strength your cabinet to restore order and security inside the country, on one hand, and to create close relationship between Persia and British governments, on the other hand. 2⁸                          

Vossogh-el-Douleh’s opponents had considered that the British ambassador’s words showed that when England did not support Nayeb Hossein and Mahallah Khan anymore, at that time Mashallah Khan was summoned up and a plan was drawn. The British consulate and embassy staff said to Mashallah Khan that he could travel to Tehran and there was no threat to his life and property! Mashallah Khan knew very well of the heavy record of murder and pillage his enemies in Tehran and Kashan had prepared against him; so without this promise of safety by the British and Persian government, he definitely would not have had gone to Tehran!

   Other sources have also referred to the support of Nayebian by the British (Aazam Ghodsi 1349. p39).

 After the execution of Mashallah Khan, Fon Meygoush had written that: “If he [Mashallah Khan] had behaved differently with England, he would have surely remained  as the governor of Kashan (Dagobert, 1377, p.310).”

 The Russian government had also accepted the active role of England in the central part of Persia. As the Russian ambassador, in response to a complaint from one of the Persian officials, once said “These problems are not related to us because these are internal issues". 2⁹

While the Russians owned large properties in Kashan, no report of looting the property of Russian nationals in this city can be found in the literature (SAKMA: 240003770)

 7.B- Unemployment

Clearly, unemployment must be considered an important local factor. But looking for the roots of this problem compelled us to reconsider it as an international factor. In the Qajar period, and especially after the wars of Persia and Russia, the establishment of a five percent tax for foreign goods was based on Turkamanchay convention, and the management of the revenue administration was given to the Belgians, which meant that foreign goods, especially fabrics, had to be imported to the country in large quantities. This heavy import of foreign fabrics was the main reason for the bankruptcy of Kashan’s textile industries. The number of looms decreased from 8,000 to 800! That means that 9 out of 10 workshops had to be closed.  Some of the unemployed people turned to the low-quality carpet weaving industry. But most of the unemployed population could not find a job, because carpet weaving needed primary investment, and most of the people did not have the required capital.

The closing of the workshops had some effects on agricultural production, and the production of industrial agricultural goods also stagnated. Before the slowdown of the textile industry, textile workers earned their living working for the textile industries, and their normal food consisted of bread and dairy products. After this industry was closed down, there was no income, and the workers had difficulty feeding their families.

Unemployment peaked just after the establishment of a new Constitution, and at that period, many of those who lost their jobs were hired by Nayebies as road guards. Mashallah Khan was favored by people, as he provided relief funds to those in need and paid salaries to his new recruits. 3⁰

 The expansion of the Nayebies’ organization, as well as what the father and son had learnt while in Mesopotamia, were the main reasons that forced them to seriously review the way they had previously run their establishments. They turned a 180 degrees from their previous brigandage activities, deciding to run Kashan and its neighborhood as a self-determined State, extended their broad rebellion throughout this part of Persia.             It has been said that if the central Government of Persia had prevented the import of foreign fabrics into Persia, and had supported local production in Kashan, then the laborers of textile industries would have left the Nayebies to return to their previous textile manufacturing businesses! Indeed, this might have been an effective way to suppress the Nayebies. The general unemployment can therefore be considered one of the important factors for the initial outbreak and subsequent extension of the Nayebian rebellion.

Conclusion :      

                                                                                                     

1- The decentralized policy of the British government of the time had an indirect effect on the prolongation of the Nayebies’ rebellion.

2. Nayeb Hossein Kashi was the product of his time. All local, national, and international conditions joined together to give rise  to such an extensive outbreak.          

3. The Constitutional Revolution in the country and the collapse of the legitimacy of the king’s absolute power challenged the idea of the “Shah as the Shadow of God” in the mind of the people. Consequently, any person or group now considered it a right act as a “ruling Khan.”                                                            

4. Persia’s economy, which was transitioning from independency to dependency, motivated many groups that benefited from an independent economy. Perhaps these groups, in response to the abnormal situation, had decided to finance the insurgency in general and to Nayeb Hossein in particular.   

5. The farmers and workers in the weaving industries were hit harder than others by the transformation of Persia’s economy. Perhaps their decision to join Nayeb’s rebellion should be seen as a protest to the existing situation.

6. Britain’s significant political volte-face toward Persia in the second decade of the 20th century, which can be seen in the treaty of 1919 A.D., had a direct effect on the suppression of the Nayebian.

7. The collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917, and the consolidation of Bolshevik rule, which later toke the form of the Soviet Union, can be seen as the main reason for the political change of British foreign policy in the Middle East, and especially in Persia.

      8- With regard to the meaning of a rebellion : " Refusal to accept some authority or code or convention."

we should not forget that when Nayeb Hossein and his men, who were happily married, doing well with their wool-dying business, and were respected as city's gallent athlets, turned to lawlessness, brigandage, and self-determination, all these had been as the results if injustice, unfairness, oppression, bullying and coercion towards the oppressed mass of Kashan citizens,as well as themselves!

References:

1 Lorestan Province (Persian: استان لرستان‎, Ostān-e Lorestān and Lurish: لورسوو) is a province of western Persia, amidst the Zagros Mountains. The population of Lorestan was estimated at 1,716,527 people in 2006.

Lorestan covers an area of 28,392 km². The major cities in this province are Khorramabad, Borujerd, Aligoodarz, Dorood, Koohdasht, Azna, Alashtar, NoorHYPERLINK "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nurabad,_Lorestan" Abad, Doh Râh/Dowreh, and PolHYPERLINK "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pol-e-Dokhtar"-e-HYPERLINK "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pol-e-Dokhtar"Dokhtar.

2Kashan is a city in the Isfahan province of Persia. Kashan is the first of the large oases along the Qom-Kerman road which runs along the edge of the central deserts of Persia. Its charm is thus mainly due to the contrast between the parched immensities of the deserts and the greenery of the well-tended oasis. Archeological discoveries in the Sialk Hillocks which lie 2.5 miles (4 km) west of Kashan reveal that this region was one of the primary centers of civilization in pre-historic ages. Hence Kashan dates back to the Elamite period of Persia. The Sialk ziggurat still stands today in the suburbs of Kashan after 7000 years

3 The Qajar dynasty (Persian: Doodmān e Qājār - دودمان قاجار‎; also Romanized as Ghajar, Kadjar, Qachar etc.) was a Persianized native Persiaian royal family of Turkic origin, which ruled Persia (Persia) from 1785 to 1925. The Qajar family took full control of Persia in 1794, deposing LotfHYPERLINK "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lotf_%27Ali_Khan" 'Ali Khan, the last of the ZandHYPERLINK "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zand_dynasty" dynasty, and re-asserted Persian sovereignty over large parts of the Caucasus and Central Asia. In 1796, Mohammad Khan HYPERLINK "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohammad_Khan_Qajar"Qajar seized Mashhad with ease, putting an end to the Afsharid dynasty, and Mohammad Khan was formally crowned as shah. In the Caucasus and Central Asia, the Qajar dynasty eventually permanently lost many of its controlled areas to the Russians in the course of the 19th century.

4 Kashan: The I.E.T.D.signaller reports 29th March 1915,

       Nayeb Hossein is much alarmed at rumors that troops are coming from Isfahan , Tehran direction towards Kashan and he is molesting people and says if any force is sent to Kashan he will cause great trouble to everyone. It is said that the number of his two former chief, who are against him now at Naragh, are increasing daily.

*       *       *

Kashan.  I.E.T.D.  reports 11th April, 1515.

      There is a rumor that a party of gendarmes coming towards Kashan and Nayebies are getting prepared to meet them in case of attack.

*       *       *

July 13, 1919

No.159.  

     The Gendarmes have arrived at Qom and are standing fast there for the present. They number 650 and have 7 guns. Ali Khan-i- Mashgooni, with 12 Sawarss, has deserted Mashallah Khan and joined the gendarmes in Qom. Mashallah is much alarmed and cannot make up his mind whether to obey the summon to Tehran, oppose the gendarmes, or flee, but it is probable that he will follow the last course, as he has made all preparations for flight.

5July 1919, No. 147

Urgent.             

From Haig Bakhtiaries.

     Your telegram 119.

     What is likely to happen if officer commanding Gendarmerie issues an ultimatum before all roads are blocked is this if Mashallah does not comply he will flee from (Persian Government) Kashan to one of his strongholds   Siah Kuh. , Jandak or Karshahi  all supplied with water and situated in middle of waterless desert most difficult to traverse. S.P.R. Will then be expected to go and dig him out. Colonel Fraser is of opinion that this operation offered ! so few chances of success that he is not prepared to undertake it for he  believes S.P.R. cannot well afford at present  stage of their existence to fail in any important undertaking. . .

621 May, 1915.        

      Doctor Schaffter C.M.S. just arrived from Kashan . . . . . .     Schaffter who had been called in professionally by Nayeb Hossein   was treated with all honors by the bandits . Graham.

7 May 23, 1915.

No.173.

 Kashan: I.E.T.D. under date 23rd May telegraphs:

      "Seyyed Ibrahim, chief adviser of Nayeb Hossein, died during week. By his death lost a great and valuable assistant for which they are much upset and grieved. Nayeb's men are quite disorderly and keep plundering and robbing people everywhere that they go. Nayebs are making fortifications and position on the top surrounding hills.

⁸ January 24,1915.

26.. ....

Ardistan.

      Kashan:

       The following report under date of 24th January has been received from the I.E.T.D.  signaller at Kashan.    

        Nayeb Hossein is reported to have undertaken to recover the effects etc. robbed from the Caravan of Akbar Mirza at Shurab on 23th January ( see Isfahan news No 5 para 35 ). He continues his endeavors to obtain the Governorship of Kashan and is said to have made large remittances to Tehran with this object.

January 14th 1917

Kashan. The people have sent a petition by telegraph to H.R.H Zill Ul -Soltan praying that Mashallah Khan may be appointed governors, as his present pay is not sufficient for the maintenance of his Sawars.

 January 21st 1917

      Mashallah Khan has returned here,  and his men are keeping very quiet and behaving well. The merchant and Mullas appear to be  still anxious that he should be appointed governor.

   

      

9 NEWS No. 18 FOR THE WEEK ENDING 2nd MAY !915.

May 2, 1915

      In Qom and Kashan the reported approach of the Turks to Kermanshah has given rise to considerable excitement.  In the former there has been difficulty about cashing notes of the imperial Bank of Persia,  in the latter Mashallah khan has offered his services with those of 3000 men to the Persian Government, should it declare war on any foreign power.

1⁰ Qom. The I.E.T.D. reports 13th April as follows:

        Gendarmes who were sent away from here as reported last week returned from Neyzar escorting of about 150 camel loads of ammunition intended for Tehran.[these ammunitions were taken by a group of Nayebies headed by Mashallah Khan.]

                     

¹¹Dr.Pugin arrived during week from Tehran and had good reception by the Nayebs and was put up by Mashallah khan.       Dr Pugin has appointed said Mohamed Thagi Kashani as Turkish consular agent in Kashan. Dr.Pugin has hoisted Turkish flag at Mashallah khan and Nayeb Ali's residence pretending it belongs to Molla Rafail a jew who is Turkish subject: All the property of Mashallah khan and Nayeb Ali is placed at the disposal of Molla Rafail Jew to enable formers to get Turkish protection. Dr. Pugin left Kashan yesterday for Isfahan.

*       *       *

April 25, 1915     

An Austrain officer visited Nayebs took photograph of Mashallah 'khan with his Sawars and promised them every assistance and hopes of setting their affairs.

      Mean time telling them that if they go to frontier, Germans will supply them rifles and ammunition,

*       *       *

June 6, 1915

No.196           
June 30, 1915206       
by diplomats but which has been the result of events themselves, demands judicious executors in Russia and England, as well as in Persia, otherwise it runs the risk of undergoing a similar sad fate as did the convention of 1907.
            He is so well off now that I think he may be trusted not to take  to road again and I believe it would be worthwhile to conciliate him by a friendly message.   He is an energetic man and might be useful, He is anti Bakhtiari. He asserted that Persian Government does not pay him enough for the number of the road guards which he maintains, but I do not consider that he can expect us to help him in this direction

( Kashan.  I.E.T.D. 6th June reports as follows:

      German consul passed here during the week for Isfahan. He paid a visit to Mashallah khan and gave him some presents and they had private conversation with the promise to sent German flag from Tehran.

Kashan. German consul from Isfahan has sent a special man to Mashallah khan here with request to supply him with 20 Kashi Sawars for Isfahan consulate. ( For security purposes.)

12 Decipher

No. 151                                              D. 14th      July, 1919.

From Haig Bakhtiaries.

    My telegram No. 147. Mashallah seems to be seriously alarmed and evidently has good information of movements of Gendarmerie. I do not think he will put up much of a fight in neighborhood  of Kashan. He is much more likely to flee to Siyah Kuh or Jandak whether he could hardly be pursued at this time of year. . . .

1³American Consulate

Bagdad, September 3, 1918

Subject: Persian Politics and Politicians.

The Honorable

      The Secretary of State, State       

                  Washington.

Sir:

        . . . . Most of the provincial governorships are said to be purchased in Teheran,   It was an open secret in the national capital, according to statements made to me personally by various members of the Persian  government, that the last Prime Minister, Samsam- es -Sultaneh, paid, the Shah 17,000. tomans for; the governorship of Khorassan province  (One toman at the present   rate. of exchange was worth about $2.00) but before going to that part he bargained with the Shah for the Premiership at a price of 35,000 tomans, After assuming, the latter office , having already paid for his governorship, he gave the Shah a balance of 18.000 to make the total  of 35,000; and this is  said  to have chagrined the Shah considerably as he, expected full prices for both posts, not agreeing with Samsam - es - Sultaneh claim that not having gone to Khorassan the price of that governorship applied to the position which he did actually assume. This  is the manner all official positions are bought by volunteers in Persia. I heard this from many reliable sources in Tehran. . . . . .

         

1⁴ 236 - July, 1915

       Nayebies have ordered Kashan and Natanz taxes to be collected and paid to them at the rate of Krs.6 per Tuman. Total amounts would come to about 60,000 tumans.

1⁵ From 1906 t0 1921. 14 year there were 28 Prime Ministers! Average life of a prime minister had been only 6 Months.

1⁶ Archive

The war

Confidential

[48239]                                                     No.1.

Mr. Marling to Sir Edward Grey.  

(No. 163.)

(Telegraphic)        Tehran. April , 22, 1915.

BASRA telegram No. S94 B of 19th April.

      Suggestions as to reasons to be held out to Ulema have already been dealt with in Sir W. Townley's telegram No. 74 of 21st February, and cooling off of Jehad movement In Arabistan and Iraq seems to prove their influence in our favor is producing results. Leading clergy here are in touch with us and are working in direction we desire, but their local influence would certainly be impaired if it were publicly known that we are using them.

      In my opinion these inducements are superfluous, and possibly injurious if addressed' to Ulema, while, if made public, I would point out that enemy can also hold out similar inducements and with weighty effect, as it is generally anticipated here that Germany will win.

      As regards inducements to Persian Government as distinct from Ulema, the undertaking in 1907 to "respect" the integrity, &c, of Persia has become mere byword here, and I fear that a guarantee to "maintain" Persian integrity, even if France were included in declaration, would fall flat.

      Present Government will do nothing effectual without financial support, and, I fear, but little, even if we gave it. It is deplorably weak and disunited, and its only merit is its readiness to resign. I think we ought to work for the formation of a stronger Cabinet, if possible under Ain-ed-Douleh. He is the best, perhaps the only, man in Persia capable of dealing with German agitators, whose activity is increasing. Russian Legation will accept him, and I hope Russian Government will not insist on Saad-ed-Douleh, who, though capable and resolute, has no prestige and following in the country possessed by Ain-ed-Douleh.

(Confidential.)

      Russian Charge d'Affaires seems to be quite ready to agree, but is naturally disinclined to take action which would commit M. de Etter, who arrives in a week. I think, however, that time is of first importance.

      I think we should have to support new Ministry financially by agreeing to suspend interest, which, after all, is scarcely more than making a virtue of necessity, as it is tolerably certain that Persia will be able to pay but a fraction of what is due.

      Recent reports represent Swedish officers as more pro-German than ever, and Persian Government appears to have little control over them.

(Repeated to Petrograd and Basra.)          Subject: Political events.

*       *       *

The Honorable

Secretary of State.

 Washington.                                                                      February 26 1917.                  

Sir:

      I hope I may be pardoned for burdening the Department with a little small gossip which' may not be interesting nor useful. The  Department is doubtless aware that possibly no country on earth suffers so much from Legation Government as does Persia.. It is doubtful if a single Prime Minister has been appointed in Persia during my stay at this post except at the request and earnest demand of some Legation. Even Governors of Provinces  are almost universally appointed through Legations.

¹⁷ H.B.M's consul General.

P.O.  248/ 1168.

January 21st 1917

11. Province:

      Ardistan. Chiragh Ail and Reza Juzjani have gone from Natanz. Chiragh Ali has written to say that he cannot maintain his Sawars in one village for any length of time and must move from place to place. He is still in hopes of getting some employment which will enable him to support this Sawars, and letters of indemnity from the Russian consul and myself. I believe that Russian consul has sent him such a letter, but I have some claims against him.

      Mashallah Khan's methods in Chiragh Ali's seem to have been drastic, and several women from Mozdaba and Amirabad have   telegraphed to H.R.H. Zill- Ul- Soltan, and the Minister of interior complaining for his cruelty and Of the killing Of Seven Villagers in Kashan.

*      *        *

March 23, 1919 .

67. I omitted to mention in last week's news that an important member of Jafar Qulli's gang had been killed. This man, Mehdi Khan, was supposed to be the man who wounded my predecessor Mr. Graham, and is known to have committed several murders. He was sent to India as a prisoner of war, but was released and sent back to Persia. On his way to Isfahan, where I was to have supplied him with funds to enable him to continue his journey, he joined Jafar Qulli's  gang. Haig.

¹⁸ [This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government]

PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA.

Confidential.

[51980]                                               No. 1.

Sir G. Buchanan to Sir Edward Grey, (Received September 22.)

(No. 137.)

(Telegraphic,)

                             Petrograd, September 22, 1914.

MY telegram No. 413 of 15th September: Persian gendarmerie.

      Russian Government state that they have no intention of protecting Nayeb Hossein. Moreover, the latter, though formerly guilty of acts of brigandage, had for two years not only given no cause for complaints in this respect, but had even, in conjunction with his son, greatly contributed to the maintenance of order on Tehran-Bakhtiaries road, they had given Imperial Government no reason for anticipating a return to his former lawless pursuits.

*       *       *

D.21           May 1915.

Doctor Schaffter C.M.S. just arrived from Kashan reports the Tehran post robbed about 6 p.m. 20th May at Caravan Srai Sangi between Imamzadeh and Targh by numerous bandits stating themselves to be followers of Chiragh All Khan Bakhtiari see my tel. No.35 who shortly afterwards near the same spot attacked Paquet and his party , including Ali Riza Khan,  son of Sardar Muhtashim both of whom escaped unhurt. Declared object was to demonstrate the futility of the Gendarmerie .

       Schaffter who had been called in professionally by Nayeb Hossein   was treated with all honors by the bandits .

Graham

*       *       *         

No.196     

( Kashan.  I.E.T.D. 6th June 1915.reports as follows:

      German consul passed here during the week for Isfahan. He paid a visit to Mashallah khan and gave him some presents and they had private conversation with the promise to sent German flag from Tehran.

¹⁹ The following article written in a Russian newspaper on August 12, 1916. and translated into English by the American Legation in Tehran explains in detail what went on in Persia.

American Legation

Tehran, Persia

October 12, 1916

     

      Translation of article In Noroje Vremja, August 12,1916.

                              Triple entente in the central Orient

      A decided change in the diplomatic, relations between Russia and England took place after the conclusion of the convention concerning Persian affairs in 1907. The value of this act consisted in doing away with the Anglo-Russian antagonism formerly felt to a considerable degree in the Central Orient.   This system of antagonism was the natural consequence of the Anglo-Russian relations and was Useful neither to England nor to Persia, nor to Russia.

      The convention of 1907, according to the Intentions of its

authors, was to manifest a radical change in the idea of Russian and English diplomacy concerning the fundamental tasks of the two countries and their common interests.   Antagonism and hostilities were to be re placed by loyal limitations of their mutual pretentions, and in case of need, by common action.    In this sense the convention of 1907 was, as events have since come to pass, an action of great historical Talus.    During the seven year  of its existence this act has effaced, in a considerable measure, the prejudices of English public opinion against Russia and Russian politics, and aided British statesmanship, during the month of. July 1914, to take a decision to place the British Empire definitely at the side of the Franco-Russian alliance.

      Unfortunately, under its proper terms, the convention of 1907 remained almost a dead letter.  The territorial demarcation for Russian and English interests and influence did not and could not touch Tehran and therefore did not cause any change in the ideas of the diplomatic and consular officers of the two countries established in that city, and could not conciliate the radical differences in their point of view about the fundamental questions of the interior regulation of Persia.   That is why things happened in Persia exactly as though the convention of 1907 had never existed.

      Briefly, we have been witness of an elementary change of external forms of the government structure of Persia. we have seen the elusive career of the American citizen Shuster, the creation of the Swedo- Persian Gendarmery

gendarmerie the birth of German influence in Persia, the painful less of prestige of the Russian and English names Among the Persian people, the underestimated development of the Turko-Teutonic propaganda, the arming of the tribes of the North by the Germans against the Russians and those of the South against the English, the demotion of the Swedo-Persian Gendarmery,  the defection of the Persian Government itself (and that same government maintained by Russian and English funds) and finally, the decision of the Persian Sovereign, the one installed by us, to leave his capital for Qom, the camp of the German mercenaries.

      The foregoing is a list hastily made and in no way complete, of events in Persia since 1907, It proves clearly that the convention of 1907, in so far as common action in Persia is concerned, was a complete failure . . . . (several lines suppressed by the censor).

      It is not easy to find another example of an important diplomatic act, necessarily historic, passed after a profound study and elaborated with so much care, that has produced so little result.

      Happily, at the last moment, . . . (several lines suppressed by the censor) appeared a savior in the person of General Baratoff with his heroes, and order was re-established as if by a miracle.    As for the diplomats. . . . .(several lines suppressed by the censor ) again was opened up the possibility of useful foreign action.

      The convention of 1907 was replaced by that of 1916.

      The new diplomatic act is more detailed than was the former one . . . . (several lines suppressed by the censor).

      It differs, also from the convention of 1907 by the fact that the Persian Government figures therein with the same rights as Russia and England.    Nine years ago Persia was considered as a secondary product of the Anglo-Russian relations. Now she appears as a contracting party. It is an important prerogative, at least from an academic point of view.

      The convention of 1916, above all, provides for the formation of a Persian military force. During the epoch of parliamentary Government in Persia, only one step was taken in this direction, that was the formation of the Swedish Gendarmerie. At the critical moment these Swede-Persian forces,  acted in a very pernicious manner towards Persia .  The Anglo-Russian diplomats understand, then, that such events should not be allowed to happen again. In Persia a national force will be organized, in the North by Russia, in the south by England .This national Persian, army will be the Cossack Brigade, already existing whose number will be increased to  eleven thousand, comprising, infantry artillery and cavalry.        A similar national Persian army will be formed in the south by English instructors. Due to these measures the Persian government will have at its disposition a regularly organized force which will not abandon it to the whims of chance ,will not betray it and will not go over to the enemy, as did the Swedo- Persian Gendarmerie. 

      With the same circumspection the convention of 1916 puts into order the financial administration of Persia. This administration will be placed in the hands of a mixed commission, composed of two Persians, one Russian, one Englishman and one Belgian, the latter to be president.

      The third part of the convention has not an organic character but only a temporary one,    Russia and England grant delay to Persia for the payment of its debts. The receipts of the northern and southern Persian customs  houses, guaranteeing the Persian debts already contracted with Russia and England, will henceforth be paid into the Persian treasury.

      The Persian Government, on its side, promises to

observe in the present, war an amicable and friendly neutrality  towards the protecting power, Russia and England. These are the stipulations of the convention of 1916, by which has just been formed the Triple  Entente of the Central Orient. From a technical point of view this convention is more complete  than the convention of 1907.  Instead of abstract principles are found precise administrative measures and institutions.    In addition the convention replaces the masked protection which was created by the convention of 1907,and which was a complete failure, by the open protectorate over, with the  consent of the Persian Government itself.

      The convention of 1916, which has not been created

²⁰15 April 1917

Qom and Kashan: All the Persian Cossacks on the road from Tehran to kashan have been recalled to Tehran.

      Mashallah Khan has asked the Persian government to Appoint him in charge of the road from Qom to Nain and government has agreed on condition that he sends his two sons as hostage to Tehran. Mashallah Khan has sent his sons to Tehran and is preparing to place guards on the roads

*       *       *

     

Haig: Isfahan                                                         Date  April 23  1918

Decipher

      Mashallah Khan of Kashan has sent to me a confidential agent protesting his readiness to serve  us in any way. In return he is very anxious for some sort of assurance of friendship from the British Legation.   As you Know he has  a lurid past and was originally a German partisan but, it is long since he saw the error of his ways and he has behaved well and kept the road reasonably safe for some time past.

Tel   No:: 95    April  24,  1918  GLT  no  64 .           

It  would   be  well  worth     while to  get  hold of  Mashallah  - Khan  but   it might  be  embarrassing if at a later date S.P.R. extended  their  sphere up  to   and   beyond Bakhtiaries. Can  you  negotiate and  see exactly what  he  wants?  

I spoke to him and as his request wrote a letter giving him conformation

E.G.G.April 4

²¹Recd 7th   January 1919

      Rajab Ali  has occupied Natanz and plundered people and treasure there.  Masallah Khan has received orders to proceed against him but appears to about attitude of Persian Government towards him.

      Mashallah Khan is now deserving of our support and I have assured him that he may   safely obey orders which he has received and asked him to do his best to crush this brigand. A little encouragement and expression of approval from the Persian Government would not be amiss.

Your tel. No . 6                      

      P.M  . inform me that Sardar Soulat is instructed to attack Rajab Ali at  Natanz. They desire Mashallah Khan  to lie  in wait for him at  Kashan in case he  should pass that way. If  he  went  to  Natanz they fear he would attack the  opportunity of plundering Soulat's property.

*       *       *

Ardistan. See parp 2. Mashallah Khan has plundered and   destroyed Mazdabad, Amirabad, Zavareh and Muqar, and is strengthening the fort at Karshahi.  It is to be feared that  Chiragh Ali and Reza will escape punishment for their crimes. The government of Yazd apparently took no steps against them and they are quiet safe in Nain. They have now open negotiations with the force in Ardistan and Prince Sarem -Ul-Douleh says that he fears it will be necessary to pardon them. This is unfortunate as there are heavy claims against them.

2² The 1804–1813 Russo-Persian War, was one of the many wars between the Persian Empire and Imperial Russia, and began like many of their wars as a territorial dispute. The newly Persian king, Fath Ali Shah Qajar, wanted to consolidate the northernmost reaches of his Qajar dynasty comprising modern day Georgia and Dagestan, who got annexed by Tsar Paul several years after the signing of the Treaty of Georgievsk, the sack of Tblisi, and the Russo-Persian War of 1796. Like his Persian counterpart, the Russian Tsar Alexander I was also new to the throne and equally determined to control the disputed territories. The war ended with the Treaty of Gulistan which ceded the vast majority of the previously disputed territories to Imperial Russia.

2³ The Anglo–Persian War lasted between November 1, 1856 and April 4, 1857, and was fought between Great Britain and Persia (which was at the time ruled by the Qajar dynasty). In the war, the British opposed an attempt by Persia to press its claim on the city of Herat. Though Herat had been part of Persia under the Qajar dynasty at the time the war broke out, it had declared itself independent under its own rebellious emir and placed itself under the protection of the British in India and in alliance with the Emirate of Kabul (the forebear of the modern state of Afghanistan). The campaign was successfully conducted under the leadership of Major General Sir James Outram in two theatres—on the southern coast of Persia near Bushehr and in southern Mesopotamia. The war resulted with Persia withdrawing from Herat and signing a new treaty in which it surrendered its claims on the city and the Brits withdrawing from southern Persia.

²⁴      Signed on August 31, 1907, in St. Petersburg, Russia, the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 brought shaky British-Russian relations to the forefront by solidifying boundaries that identified respective control in Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet. This agreement seemingly ended a long-standing struggle for power that had gone on at the expense of less-developed regions throughout Central Asia. Though these imperial powers had experienced relatively few major conflicts between them over the previous hundred years, an underlying rivalry, otherwise known as “the Great Game”, had exacerbated the situation to such an extent that resolution was sought by the early 20th century. As a consequence of the Anglo-Russian agreement, they crushed any chance of Persian autonomy. The idea of a reformed Persian state was not what these powers had in mind; they enjoyed both stability and control in Persia and planned to keep it that way. Overall, the Convention represented a carefully calculated move on each power's part in which they chose to value a powerful alliance over potential sole control over various parts of Central Asia.

2⁵ The Enemy(April l9,1515.)

Ardistan:  Developements fail.

       Pro-Turkish movements in Qum and Kashan.

       Mashallah Khan offers his services to Persian Government for War.

*       *       *

Sir w. Townley to sir edward grey.—(received january 28.)

(telegraphic.)                                                Tehran,January 28,1915.

Your telegram No. 21 of 26th january.

      I entirely agree with view of Russian minister for foreign affairs that no  advance should be made until we are more sure of our ground. I am most unwilling |to believe that present cabinet is playing us false without conclusive proof of their treachery being produced. Their tenure of office is, however, most uncertain, and money given to friends to-day might well be used by enemies to-morrow. Prime f minister has practically resigned. It has quite passed out of the power of my Russian colleague and myself to procure nomination of ministers.

      The sooner Russian troops drive Turks out of Azerbaijan the better. A signal of defeat of Turks can alone re-establish situation in our favor. Reports of Turkish successes and German victories have so encouraged hostile elements that there is hardly a man left on our side to-day in Tehran. Papers that have published our [telegrams are practically boycotted. Much the same situation is reported from Isfahan, yezd, kashan and Hamadan. Meshed and shiraz appear to be calm at present, and kermanshah still favorable to us.

   Chef de cabinet told me yesterday that Persian government had been officially assured by Turkish grand vizier that turkey would entirely evacuate Persia if [Russia did the same. I referred him to turkey's attitude on the frontier of Aarabistan, [and said that i had more faith in a crushing Russian victory to restore Persians to their senses than in assurances of a Turkish grand vizier, of which his majesty's Government had had experience.

      If there is not an overwhelming Russian advance within a short time, situation here will become most serious. Present Cabinet talk about war with Turkey, but I much doubt if the people would acquiesce in its declaration. I have Bakhtiary insurances that they will resist Turkish advance in Arabistan, whether Persia is at war with Turkey or not.

[232ee-8]

²⁶

April 29, 1915

       The German Minister visits the Nayeb's head quarters in Kashan and hoists German and Turkish flag at Mashallah khan head quarters, indicating Nayebies are protected by Germany.

2⁷ No. 295                                 

 Tehran, Persia                                                                              May, 26, 1916

                                           

  Subject: Political Affaires

The Honorable

      The secretary of State,

           Washington.

Sir:           

      I have the honor to report that there seems to be popular discontent with the present Persian Cabinet. The Minister of the Interior, Sardar Mansoor, who has lately succeeded to the title of Siphahdar, has resigned his portfolio.   Vossogh-ed-Douleh is Prime Minister with portfolio of Minister of Foreign Affairs. He is very Intellectual but classed with the, reactionaries.

      He was Foreign Minister during Mr. Shuster's term as Treasurer General of Persia and was classed by the latter as being  the foremost in urging the acceptance of Russia's demand  for Shuster's dismissal.   He has even been accused of having himself prepared and instigated the ultimatum demand demanding Shuster discharge.

     The Democrats and other constitutionalist have taken much heart from recent events in Russia and the     Utterance of the president of the Russian Duma and other Russian officials, admitting a change of attitude and intention towards Persia. (See copies of attached telegrams). Some have also taken heart and have been inspired by the presence of and speeches made by Russian social-democrats in different places in Persia.

     It seems quite natural therefore that a clamor should be made for a change of Cabinet and that Mostofi-ol-Momalek or someone in entire sympathy with popular government be made Prime Minister before, the elections are held. 

    Mostofi-ol-Mamnlek is the one statesman in whose integrity and Patriotism every Persian has the utmost confidence. The only criticism of him comes from his inclination to procrastinate and. delay.

Confidential:

     It is said that upon the announcement of the news here that the new Russian Government proposed a different and more acceptable attitude towards Persia, Sir Charles Marling, the British Minister, became very much exercised and vexed and made frequent and pointed  representations to his government, until the new Russian Premier assured Sir George Buchanan, that he, the said Premier  had only spoken of Persia and the. new attitude towards her in general terms, and that there was to be in fact no change of Russian policy towards Persia.   This statement seemed to  satisfy Sir Charles. against whom some  of the Persian Democrats seem to harbor a growing  feeling of bitterness and distrust. It was generally known here that only two or three days before the sudden revolution in Russia, the British Minister had prepared to go to Petrograd  to settle the Persian question , which many Persians construed to mean definite arrangements to divide the Empire.

      When, on the 8th instant the Prime Minister requested His Majesty, the Shah, to accept the former's resignation, the request was denied, but the Shah insisted on certain changes in the Cabinet, and the placing of three certain Democrats therein. This proposed change was communicated to the British and the Russian Legations, the latter of which offered no particular , or, at least very  little objection, but, the British Minister emphatically and indignantly protested against these proposed officials asserting that the same were Great Britain's enemies and had some time past been in collusion with and in the employ of the Germans, of which facts he had abundant proof.    The changes were not made.

                                                      I have the honor to be,

                                                                              Sir,

                                                      Your' obedient servant

*       *       *

P. Cox to Earl Curzon.—(Received September 1.)

(No. 130.)

My Lord,   Tehran, August 11, 1919.

No unusual incidents have been reported from the central and southern provinces. The attitude of Mashallah Khan, the ex brigand of Kashan, has been unsatisfactory for some time past, and coercive measures were contemplated, but he has now notified his intention to comply with the orders sent to him to appear in Tehran.

 [1234101 

               

²⁸ No.1

American Consulate

Bagdad, September 3, 1918

Subject: Persian Politics and Politicians.

The Honorable

      The Secretary of State, State .   

                  Washington.

Sir:

      I have the honor, in continuation of my dispatch of September 2, 1018, to submit the following comment on Persian politics and Persian politicians.

      After the revolution of 1906, which brought about the granting of a constitution to his people by the Shah of Persia, there were in that Country roughly two divisions of those interested in politics. The strong and influential division was the Constitutionalist party, and the opposing  elements formed the Conservative party. The issue between these two parties was at first well defined, but as the Constitution became firmly established the two parties gave way to a new one which is now commonly known as the Democratic party. This party is the result of Russian and British interference in Persian affairs, which has developed among the educated and official class of Persians a dislike for Europeans in general.       Meeting on the common ground of "Persia for the Persians" the governing classes in the country have developed the Democratic party.   There are several factions of democrats. But the difference between them seems to be the degree of their dislike for foreigners ( more particularly Europeans) The extent to which they are interested is cleaning foreign Political or government affairs of all foreigner influence.

      Position are of little interest to the large majority of the Persian people and the influencing or controlling  elements in the political life of the country are those members of the so called professional governing class, most of whom live at Teheran, and, of course, the political agents or representative of certain foreign powers directly interested    in Persian affairs.   That there is a professional governing class may be understood by noting the personnel of the many cabinets which have come and gone during the past few years. Some of the prominent politicians in Teheran have held at different times most of the portfolios in the cabinet, and a few of them have been Prime Minister at least once, and some of them may have headed on the different occasion cabinet of entirely different political complexions.   what is true of the cabinet may also be said to be true of the Several provincial governorships.

      The average Persian politician considers the holding of office mainly as an opportunity for enriching himself and his friends, and there are in the professional governing class but few men who are considered sincere patriots and therefore honest officials.  This circumstance permitted a very active meddling in Persian political affairs by the Russians until their revolution a year ago, and it probably has been and is of considerable use to the British in acquiring their present fairly complete control-of Persian affairs in their interest, as is asserted, of allied, policy In general in the present war, and certainly in the protection of India and of their position in the Persian Gulf.

      The Bakhtiaries of southern Persia are at present the most influential of the various district Persian tribes, in politics at Teheran,   They acquired their great influence in the revolution of 1906 and 1909 as the strongest and most active supporter of the constitutionalist movement, and have retained it. The Bakhtiaries are usually represented in the cabinet. and Samsam - es- Sultaneh, the Prime Minister who preceded the one at present in power, is an important Bakhtiari  chieftain.

      The Bakhtiaries, in common with other Nomad Persian tribes, have always been accused of living largely by plundering  travelers, and it is generally asserted that they; have refined and developed this common plundering instinct to a high degree for use upon the Persian treasury since their coming into power at Teheran.   They are in some ways patriotic Persians but seem not yet to have developed that sense of clean government which Persia so badly needs.

      It is also generally asserted, and apparently with considerable truth, that eight out of every ten of the more prominent members of the professional governing class in Teheran not only enrich themselves at the expense of the government and people when in office, but that they also accept bribes from foreigners interested in controlling Persian affairs, special reference always being made to the considerable quantities of Russian and British money which many of them are understood to have received in recent years.   It is generally stated in Tehran both  by the interested and the uninterested that the British Legation disbursed approximately a hundred thousand pounds sterling  in may, June and July, to bring about the appointment of a prime Minister and  cabinet suitable to British policy.

 

     The Prime Minister appointed on August 5 is alleged to have been the result, and this official is known to have included in his cabinet the Persian politicians who has been active in Tehran in British interests; the man in question being the son of Prince Farman Farma, Governor of the large Persian province of Fars and an outspoken  Anglophiles

      The Minister of the Interior, subject usually to the Shah's approval, appoints provincial governors . This portfolio has in the last two cabinets  been held by the Prime Minister and as the present Prime Minister, Vossogh-ed-Douleh; is a reputed Anglophile it gives the British the power of securing through him a corps of provincial governors  who will work in the interest of their policy as regards Persia,   However, more than twenty of the twenty-eight provincial governors holding office prior to the Voasogh-ed-Doulah cabinet, were considered purchasable with British influence or money, or with the money  or influence of any power which might have control of affairs in Teheran,           

      The Constitution of 1906 granted the people a Medjliss or popular assembly, but for two years there has been, no Medjliss.   The Shah called an election last year and deputies from the Teheran district only were elected, the election in the provinces not being held by the governors because, according to report, the Russians and British used their influence to that end as they would naturally find it much easier and cheaper to control only a cabinet in Teheran, where as if a MedJliss were in session considerably  greater effort  and money would be required to control Persian political affairs according to their desires.   Another report is that the Persians did not want a Medjliss  as they were afraid it might take some action which would involve them in the world war. However, that may be. The Persians have not availed themselves of unity right to have a Madjliss.. . . . . .   The mass of the people are not, of course, interested in politics, and are indifferent as to whether or not a Madjliss  exists.

      Practically therefore, Persia's constitution is at  present suspended, although no one seems to care.   The people  who have any interest at all in their government assume in their indifference that when the time is propitious, they Will again have their Medjliss, and such measure of so-called-popular government as it gives them.   Probably one great reason for this is that Tehran, while always a political storm center, seems to have little if any influence felt in the provinces excepting through the provincial governors; but these officials are generally, willing to forget Teheran for the time being in order more fully to improve their opportunities for making the sums they expected to acquire from their official positions.

      In understanding the relation of the provincial governments to Tehran, note should be made of the fact that many of the provincial capitals can be reached from Teheran only after a caravan trip of some days.   In no case is a provincial capital connected with Teheran by railroad, although  practically all of them do have telegraphic communicate with the national  capital.   In certain favored localities travel done by post carriages. But the only railroad in Persia is the railroad running from Tabriz north to Caucasia.  The caravan and carriage roads are in some parts of the country blocked with snow during winters, and in some instances travel is dangerous on account of bandits. 'These and many other difficulties tend to isolate the various provincial governments from Teheran with results that hinder national  progress. There is also a considerable lack of union and common interest in the relations of the provinces with each other and with Teheran, principally because the population of Persia  is made up of so many different tribes between which insufficient sympathy or understanding exists; and in many cases the different tribes are openly antagonistic to each other. Practically the only interest common to all Persians is their religion, and that interest is in many instances not a strong one.

         

      Vossogh - ed - Douleh , the present Premier, is generally conceded to be the strongest and ablest Persian at present in public life. He is reputed an Anglophile. . . .           

      A  great many of the members of the professional governing class in Tehran are of the second, third and even fourth generation of holding families.    

      It is said that until recent years it was very, seldom that any new factions are introduced, or admitted  from the provinces and the only  notable exception to this general rule which has  occurred in recent years was the admission of the Bakhtiary  leaders to a Share in the office holding at Tehran. Reference to which has already been made in this dispatch.

      Azerbaijan province, the richest in Persia, and the governor of which is always the Crown Prince, is said to have its own political faction, which, owing to the Turanian  nature of the population of that province, are Democrats of Turkish  and German inclinations, principally because of their hatred of Russia.   This  province  does not appear to interfere with the remainder of Persia, to which it is considered quite different, but It has given the various  Shahs considerable worry by Its independent attitude towards the Tehran government. The most recent example of this independence was the threat of Azerbaijan to secede If  Vosaogh -ed-Douleh, the present Premier  were appointed to that position last May as was then planned. Probably this attitude was inspired by Turkish and German agents who knew of the Anglophile tendencies of Vossogh - ed - Douleh, inspite of considerable pressure from the British, until after Azarbaijan was occupied by the Turkish troops .

                                                                                                                                  I have the honor to be ,

                                                                                                                                                      Sir,

                                                                                                                                  Your obedient servant,

                                                                                                                                  American Counsel

²⁹  June 29 ,  1919

No.147.

      Mashallah Khan has sent his son and brother to Tehran and is said to be leaving himself for Tehran in a few days time. Most of the Gendarmes have left Qum for Sultanabad, which is in future to be the headquarters of the detachment formerly station at Qum.

      Mashallah Khan has posted a notice on the gates of Kashan and threatening to punish severely anybody found engaged in Bolshevik propaganda. On the governor's asking him whether he had reason to suspect the presence of any Bolshevik agents in the town, he replied that he had only heard rumors that they were likely to visit the town.

³⁰  On July 9th, the Minister wired Haig a paraphrased extract : Begins. No. 119. The Prime Minister asked me to inform you that Fazlollah Khan, the Officer Commanding the Gendarmes, detailed to go to Isfahan, is being ordered to advance towards Kashan and when within a suitable distance to send Mashallah Khan an ultimatum calling  upon him to proceed to Tehran at once, in which case His life and property will  be  spared,  and,  failing immediate  compliance he is to take measures to attack Mashallah Khan. In this case the Prime Minister hoped that Fraser would advance from the other side and co-operate. Please comply or comment.

³¹No. 4.

Sir P. Cox to His Highness Vossug-ed-Douleh.

Your Highness,   British Legation, Tehran, August 9, 1919.

     I TRUST your Highness has been able, during your successful direction of affairs-of the Persian State, to convince yourself that His Britannic Majesty's Government have always endeavored to support to the utmost the efforts of your Highness Cabinet on the one hand to restore order and security in the interior of the country, and on the other to maintain a policy of close co-operation, between the Persian and British Governments.

     As further evidence of the goodwill by which the Cabinet of London is inspired, I am now authorized to inform your Highness that, in the event of the agreement regarding projects of reforms which your Government contemplates introducing in Persia being concluded, His Britannic Majesty's Government will be prepared in due course to co-operate with the Persian Government with a view to the realization of the following desiderata:. . . .

³² Tehran, Persia

July 8, 1920

Quarterly report No. 8.

The Honorable

The Secretary of State,

 Washington.

. . . . .  After some negotiations between the Persian and Russian - Soviet Governments, the latter promised to withdraw all their forces from Persia as  soon as military requirements permitted.| and as free and safe navigation of the Caspian Sea had been re-established in accordance with the third and seventh  points of the Bolshevik note to Persia under date of June 26, 1919; point three being: "The Caspian Sea will be declared free for sailings of ships under Persian flags." Point seven:   "The Soviet Government is prepared to negotiate with Persia regarding the handing over to the independent Persian people Russian port appurtenances at Enzali". And the Soviet Government expressed a desire to enter Into friendly relations and negotiations with Persia, saying that they hoped there would be a "rapprochement " between the Persian and Russian people on the basis of the principles of their absolute self determination and independence." . . . .

³³July 19,1915

No.255

      Kashan. By strict orders of Nayeb landlords are repairing and whitening all the shops and Bazars, repairing the old ones with new good ones & etc, and Nayebies themselves are doing repairs to water reservoirs and Masjids of the town.

*       *       *

Kashan.

      Mashallah Khan has returned here,  and his men are keeping   quiet and behaving well. The merchant and Mullahs appear to be    still anxious that he should be appointed governor.

*       *       *

25 February 1917.

Kashan:

       There is trouble here owing to the increase of the Taxes and also owing to scarcity of grain and a rise in the price of bread. No grain is expected from Iraq. Mashallah Khan has warned merchants and holders of stocks of wheat, unless they sell their stocks at moderate rates, He will confiscate them and distribute them to the poor.

*       *       *

21 October 1917

Kashan:

       Six persons died of starvation during the week. Mashallah Khan ordered to distribute to the value of 100 tomans daily bread free of charge to the needy people of Kashan.

*       *       *

18th November, 1917.

No. 288.

      Reports  of distress come in from all cities. A committee was formed at Qum to relieve the distress by means of the establishment of cheap bakeries. The cost of which was to have been partly met by subscription. But the committee soon discontinued its activity as there was a prospect of the town's being invaded by the poor of the district.

      In kashan Mashallah Khan has been obliged to close two of the seven of his bakeries. due to scarcity of wheat, and twenty five have died of starvation.

³⁴January 14th 1917

Kashan. The people have sent a petition by telegraph to H.R.H Zill Ul -Soltan praying that Mashallah Khan may be appointed governors, as his present pay is not sufficient for the maintenance of his Sawarss. 

*       *       *

Kashan.

Mashallah Khan has returned here,  and his men are keeping   quiet and behaving well. The merchant and Mullas appear to be    still anxious that he should be appointed governor.

*       *       *

25 February 1917.

Kashan:

       There is trouble here owing to the increase of the Taxes and also owing to scarcity of grain and a rise in the price of bread. No grain is expected from Iraq. Mashallah Khan has warned merchants and holders of stocks of wheat, unless they sell their stocks at moderate rates, He will confiscate them and distribute them to the poor.