Chapter Two
What has been written by other researchers?
This article has been extracted from:
INTERDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL OF COIN TEMPORARY
RESEARCH IN BUSINESS COPY RIGHT © 2013 Institute of Interdisciplinary Business
Research 113 MAY
2013 VOL 5, NO 1
" An Analysis of the Performance
of Nayeby Exiles to Kashan "Causes and factors for the
Emergence and Continuation of their Rebellion" Seyyed Mahmoud Saddat PhD Candidate of Local History, University of
Isfahan, Isfahan, Persia. Morteza Nouraei Associate Professor of History,
History Department, University of Isfahan, Hossein Mir Ja'fari Professor of
History, History Department, University of Isfahan.
Abstract:
Nader Shah Afshar
often punished tribes and local groups by deporting them to other places in
Persia. A part of one of these tribes,
known as the Beyranvand a district of Lorestan1 Province was exiled to Kashan in the
early eighteenth century. A feud soon developed between two cousins vying for
the chieftaincy of this tribe in 1797AD. Nader Shah settled the dispute by
banishing one of the cousins, Hashem Bayk to
Poshte mashhad, a district outside the city of Kashan. Hashem Bayk, opened a
wool - dying shop and became a prosperous business man (The Nayeby uprising-
Toghyan Nayebyan p.31)
The present research seeks to find the various“Causes
and Factors for the Outbreak and Continuation of their Rebellion.”
1- Natural Positions
Kashan2
city is located in a semi-desert area, surrounded by high mountains, near the
Central desert, also known as Kavir Persia. Nayeb Hossein Kashi and his sons
took advantage of the special features of Kashan environment during the years
1250- 1298 Shamsi (1881-1919AD) to continue their rebellion against the Qajar
dynasty 3 [Nasser-al- Din Shah, Mozafar- al- Din Shah,
Mohamd Ali Shah, and Ahmad Shah]. They knew how to benefit from the protection
of the scattered local mountains of Karkas and Siahkooh, which provided the
best opportunity for fighting against, and when necessary, hiding from, the
invading forces. After many fights and flights, they had learned how to use the
natural features of the desert area, which for most of the year was very hot
and dry, and a very difficult place to traverse without sufficient food and
water
Various
fighting forces, including Bakhtiaries, Cossacks, and the Gendarmes, were
sent every now and then from the capital to Kashan. When they reached Kashan, they would often find that Nayeb Hossein and
his men had already left the city, relocating their fighting force to one of
their strongholds in the middle of the desert, such as Siahkooh. 4
Whereas Nayeb, his men, and their horses were
safe inside their fortress with plenty of food, water, and ammunition, the
pursuing forces lacked the same accouterments!
This is because the Nayebies were familiar with
the desert, and their desert fortresses had been provided with required
supplies well in advance.
The Bakhtiary clans, who had emerged mostly in
mountainous and mild climate regions, could not fight in very hot and dry
environments.
The
Karshahi or Gaharshahi fortress, which was one of the strongholds the Nayebies
built for themselves, was considered their headquarters outside Kashan. The
ruins of this castle are thirty kilometers from the Abuzeid-Abad village.
The Karshahi fortress was built on the highlands
in the North, with a hill overlooking it, upon which the towers were built.
Siahkooh surrounded the fortress in the South, and the Nayebies built tunnels
from the fort to the Siahkooh mountains (Foladvand, 1364, p.21).
During
the First World War, and with the help of German engineers,5 Nayeb made some adjustments to the
fortress, fortifying it against cannons. The fort had two thick walls, so that
a horseman could easily ride between the two walls. Lookout towers were built
with precise holes. Inside the fortress there were large basements that stored
enough food supplies to feed two thousand riders for a year. In addition, a
mill and a spring were located in the middle of the fort, with the excess water
poured into the gully around the outer wall. Hence, there was a swamp around
the Karshahy at all the times. (foladvand, 1364, p.22). Karshahy was considered
the Nayebies’ best fortress
2- Disagreement and division between the people of Kashan
Disagreement and division among the citizens of
Kashan is considered to be one of the contributing factors for the continuance
of the Nayeby rebellion. The citizens of Kashan were divided into two groups:
those who supported and those who opposed Nayeb. In addition, residents inside
the city walls humiliated and ridiculed the residents of Poshte Mashhad
[outside the city walls]. This mockery would push the Poshte Mashhadi to look
more favorably upon the Nayebies, who, for their part, were often considered by
common people as their champions and their saviors. In due time Nayebies became
their leaders, and the Poshte Mashhad neighborhood became one of the main
Nayeby centers, even a headquarters of sorts.
Soraya newspaper wrote
the following words about the causes of the outbreak: “ . . . this has happened just because of
disagreement and division among the city’s residents; that means there are
people who actually worship Nayeb Hossein. They use functional plans, with a
thousand devices and tricks, to protect them from arrest or harm by government
forces . . .” (Soraya Newspaper, 1337 A.H.p.4). [ Lunar Islamic year]
Both pro- and anti-Nayeb groups continued their
efforts more seriously after the constitutional revolution. The Nayebies
benefited considerably from this division between the citizens of Kashan. In
particular, Mashallah Khan was capable of sparking conspiracies, tepidity, and
animosity between people; at times he behaved nicely toward one group of
people, while neglecting the other group. The purpose of his policy was to start
a conflict among the influential citizens of Kashan, and then to benefit from
this conflict. When the situation was not in accordance with his plans, he
would change his attitude and carry out the reverse. (Madani. 1378 A.H. pp. 71-72).
There were supporters and opponents of the
Nayebies among constitutional opposition groups and pro-constitutionalists. The
main operating centers of these groups were two local newspapers: Kashan
Newspaper was the center of the Nayeb supporters; Nayeb Al-Sadr was the publisher
in 1329 AH/ 1911 AD. Soraya Newspaper,
published by Fakhr Al-Vaezin, was the center of the Nayeb opponents.
Kasravi has written the following about Kashan
Newspaper: “A newspaper was published in Kashan with the same name of the
city; the costs of the newspaper were paid by Nayeb and his sons through their
high incomes” (Kasravi, 1374 A.H., p.627).
The liberals had created a secret society in
which “they had agreed on achieving their righteous goals by repelling all
wrongdoings of noble men . . .” (Madani. 1378 A.H.. page 98). This group
included Seyyed Ebrahim Poushteh Mashhadi,6
Agha taghi, and Hossein Al-Eslam. They began to
suppress the Nayebies, but they were unsuccessful, and were dispersed after
awhile. They had even tried to remove their names from the list of the
association (Madani. 1378 A.H.. p. 98). 7
Madani has considered the wrongdoing nature of Kashi’s elite as one of the
reasons why the Nayebies became more powerful (1378. p.22).
Nayeb made use of these divisions to reach his
goals. Rough and noble people were entered into this play, too. A number of
Kashi nobles had spent money to keep Nayeb, whereas others had spent more money
to suppress them. This type of dispute cancelled their efforts, one way or the
other, and, of course, Nayebies benefited from this situation. The nobles of
the city were therefore involved in the durability of the uprising (Bahrami.
1363, p. 361). Whenever, for any reason, the Nayebies had to leave the town,
their supporters would try hard to bring them back to the city, and welcomed
them with respect and warm greetings. (Navaie and Baghaie. 1379, p. 168). Not
all the people who came to greet them were Nayeb supporters; a number of them
were ordinary people who went to greet them because they were afraid of them.
3- Nayebyan devices and
tricks
Nayebyan were so skillful in riding a horse and
shooting a rifle while holding themselves under the belly of the horse. Most of
Nayeb’s men, especially the group’s leaders, learned to ride horses at very
young age. Mashallah Khan, Nayeb’s ablest son, was a very good shooter and
horseman.
These skills had given the Nayebies an upper
hand when at war with their enemies. Another trick, used when being pursued by
enemies, was to discourage them by tossing a few silver and gold coins here and
there; the followers immediately forgot about their mission, and started to
look for the coins.
At the pinnacle of his power, Nayeb Hossein had
two thousand fighting men, fully armed and ready for battle; five hundred of
them served him directly, another five hundred were in services of Mashallah
Khan, and the others were scattered in villages and roads and were called in
crucial times .8
Two
developments allowed the Nayebies to continue expanding. One of these was
access to six cannon turrets, as well as ammunition, from the government, which
increased the fighting power of the Nayebies. 9
The second was Germany’s military support during
the First World War. Germany offered material aid, such as supplying guns, and
German advisors trained Nayeby’s men. As a result, after the war no military
force in Persia had the power to deal with Nayebies10
Another factor that made Nayeb powerful, and
helped him avoid surprise attacks, were
efficient spies who gave him timely, important, and decisive news. 11 These
spies were active in Tehran, Qom, and Kashan. Nayeb’s spies in Tehran
were divided into two groups. The first group was made up of politicians who
delivered a copy of the intact
telegraphs of the opposing group in Kashan to Nayeb. One example, which can be mentioned in
passing, was when Ein-Al-Douleh (Prime Minister) delivered the complaint letter
of Ali Naraghi to Nayeb (Kasravi, 1374 A.H.. p.570). However, we cannot call
Ein-Al-Douleh Nayeb’s spy, but his action apprised Nayeb of what the capital
was deciding to do. Apart from
Ein -Al-Douleh, there were other people who were in contact with Nayeb,
and he would grant them valuable rewards. The second group of Nayeb’s spies was
made up non-politicians. Among them we can refer to Ghanbar Ghahvehchi
and two prostitutes called Aziz Kashi and Ahoo Esfahani. The famous Ghanbar
coffee shop (Ghahveh khaneye Ghanbar) was situated in the large Bazar (market)
of Tehran. Nayeb had a friendly relationship with Ghanbar. Ghanbar would
inform him of the news related to the dispatching of the troops to Kashan.
In the year 1915 A.D. Kashan was attacked. Aziz
Kashi heard that the army was going to be dispatched to Kashan. She immediately
sent one of her prostitute women to the secretary of the army to gain information
from him. Mary, the famous woman, gained valuable information from the army
chief and she even stole a letter from him which contained some information
about the number of troops and their weapons - (Foladvand, 1347, p. 10). Aziz
Kashi delivered this letter to Nayeb, so he had complete information about the
number of invading troops and their weapons. When the army left Qom for Kashan,
another of Nayeb’s spies in Qom immediately came to Kashan to inform him. One
can read many stories similar to this one in Mashallah Khan’s handwritten
memoirs: There is a report from Qom (Kashi, 1365 A.H., No 219-220, p. 103),
“Upon their arrival to Qom, a report containing detailed information about the
force was delivered to us” (Kashi, 1356. No. 221, p. 1030), which refers to the
fact that there were some spies between Tehran and Kashan who would have sent
any information to Nayebies. Apart from these cases, there were also Road Guard
posts at all roads ending in Kashan, which immediately made Mashallah Khan aware of the latest news about the
movements or arrival of enemy troops (Doulat Ababdi. 1371, No.4, p.l 1).
The
people, who were travelling to the South of Persia, would be happy to visit
Mashallah Khan in Kashan, and be his guest for a few days. The Nayebies gained
valuable information from these guests: Yahya Doulat Ababdi and Abdollah
Bahrami were two of them.
Serving
the citizens of the capital was one of the Nayebies’ techniques. Indebted to
the Nayebies and they would then show their gratitude by informing them of all
the political news in Tehran.
One of the other crucial tricks the Nayebies
practiced, was disabling the guns of the troops who were dispatched to Kashan
from Tehran. Upon learning that government forces were coming to Kashan,
Nayebies would send a team of well-trained men to Qom. They would try to buy
the bullets carried by the soldiers and replace them with fake bullets
(Foladvand. 1347. p. 12); when the Army forces reached Kashan, they could not
shoot the Nayebies with these fake bullets, and the result was the
disintegration of that dispatched force.
With
these techniques and tricks, they were able to hold back the many troops who
were dispatched from Tehran or Isfahan for many years, and continued with their
rebellion, autonomy, or rule of self-determination.
4- Rulers of Kashan and the
inefficiency of local authorities
4.A Rulers of Kashan In
the Qajar period, most of the provincial
governorships were in fact purchased in Tehran. It was an open secret in the national capital, according to statements
made by various members of the Persian
government.11
The Shah of Persia was a
young man who was represented as being exceedingly fond of money by the people
who knew him. In fact, the Shah’s attitude indicated that he would probably be
the last Shah Persia would have. So before he
lost his royal position, he should collect as much money as he could!
The appointment of Kashan governors was no
exception to this rule. Therefore, the first mission of the governor had been
to collect as much as he could to compensate three or four fold the amount he
paid to obtain this job! Governors of Kashan paid no attention to the economic
situation of the people of Kashan, or possible drought or other problems of
agricultural production. So there were always complaints against the Kashan
governors (SAKMA: 290000556). As a result of this mismanagement, bankrupt
farmers had to leave their lands so they would not be forced to pay taxes. The
Nayebies hired these unemployed people as riflemen. In fact, the poor performance
of the Governors indirectly helped to increase the power of the Nayebies. And
at the same time, the governors could not afford to oppose the Nayebies, and had to tolerate them because
they did not want their areas to be affected by events out of their control! In
addition, most of the time the governors relied on the power of Nayeb Hossein
to suppress their local opponents or enemies whenever necessary (SAKMA:
29391579).
Amir
Moa’zez Kashi, one of the rulers of Kashan, had a very close relationship with
Nayeb; as a result, people experienced a relatively safe and secure period in
Kashan. So when they heard of the dismissal of Amir Moa’zez, citizens of Kashan
protested against that order. Amir Moa’zez threatened that if he was ousted,
evil villains will be back in the town. This also helped continue the Nayeby
outbreak. At certain periods, when the central government decided to suppress
Nayebies, they would be faced with the objections of the masses. As they
learned in due time, tolerating the Nayebies was much better than fighting
them. So the plan to get rid of the
autonomous Nayeb Hossein was not met with universal acceptance.
4.B
The inefficiency of local authorities
After
the establishment of the constitutional government, authorities were consistently
faced with different problems, since they had adopted a decentralized method of
allocating funds. Thus, for example, the Kashan municipality had to receive its
budget from the financial administration of Kashan based on their own request
and the command of the Capital. A lack of cooperation between these two
governmental authorities led to inefficiency. This inefficiency was followed by
the people’s dissatisfaction. Even the payroll of the government staffs was
delayed. There are some records from this period which show that employees of
these offices always complained about their late salaries (SAKMA: 2400129552).
One way to solve their personal financial problems was for such employees to
accept bribes from taxpayers who, in turn, asked these officials to reduce
their taxes!
The
Nayebies also paid them annual allowances, and they would do what they wanted
them to do. 12
A
series of dramatic events took place in the years following the establishment
of the constitutional government (1907. Until the coup of 1921 AD): the bombardment of the parliament, the
conquest of Tehran by tribes, the establishment of a second constitution,
Russia’s ultimatum, and the First World War. Several important mishaps in
Tehran prevented the Cabinets from establishing the new laws of the
constitution, and from enforcing these new laws. There were many reasons why
those problems could not be solved. One of the main reasons was the instability
and short life of the cabinets. The average life of each Cabinet was only three
months. 13 Some of the
Cabinets had a tendency towards Russia, while others were supported by the
British. There was an open rivalry between the Russians and the British. 14
Both sides wanted to have the upper hand in
manipulating the Persian authorities. Although on paper Ahmad Shah was
considered the “shadow of God on earth,” he had no power, and most of the
short-lived Prime Ministers tried to
place all the elements of power in their own hands!
Sheibani has described this situation in
the following poem: “The Prime Minister the King of Persia, isn’t he? He is. He
is the king of bustle and title, isn’t he? He is.”
During this period one easily notices the
weaknesses of the central government. All around the country, governors, tribal
leaders, rebels, influential local khans, and big landowners all took advantage
of this opportunity and formed their own local kingdoms.
In the central desert of Persia, from Khorasan
to Esfahan, people like Mohammad Neishabori, Ramezan Beceri, Nayeb Hossein
Kashi, Jafar Goli Khan Charmhini, Reza Jozani, KhaliI Touzani, Mohammad
Shangoli and Ahmad Khan Mourcheh Kharti and Cheragh Ali Bakhtiary, tried to
become the rulers of their respective areas. Even when the government in Tehran
gathered a force to deal with one of the above rebels, the foreign countries
somehow interfered and the planed mission was postponed 15
Nayeb Hossein, who was the closest rebel to the
capital, continued his rebellion for many
years, gradually expanding his autonomy in the central part of the
country. Russian, British, and German authorities knew him well.16
5- Lack of Army
For over two centuries Persia never had a
permanent military! But whenever there was a foreign attack, the central
government would ask different tribes to send some of their riflemen to take
part in the fight against the enemy. Of course an army consisting of untrained,
undisciplined, unwilling peasants unsurprisingly led to the loss of many lands
around the Caspian Sea (on 1812 A.D.), Herat in Afghanistan (on 1857 A.D.), part of Baluchistan, and many
Islands in the Persian Gulf. So one could see the Army of our country was not a
permanent force; it was formed at the time of enemy attack and was dissolved
after the affair.
During the reign of Naser- Ed- Din Shah, on the
year 1979 AD. He asked the Tsar of Russia to provide him with an army
consisting of Russian officers and non-commissioned officers as well as Persian
soldiers. A few years later Swedish officers also established the Gendarmerie.
These two forces formed the backbone of Persia’s military. But the problem was
that both of these forces were under the sole control of Russian and Swedish
officers who took their orders from the Russian government rather than the
Persian central government. The Gendarmerie also carried out its own policy
rather than that of the Persian government (during World War One, Swedish
officers and their Persian Gendarmes joined the German forces in Mesopotamia) 17
6-B.
Government corruption
Bakhtiary clans saw the Nayebies as a way of getting rich and earning
money! As explained above, the country had no regular army to dispatch to
Kashan for suppressing Nayeb Hossein. The central government had to ask the
Bakhtiary Khans to organize a force to send to Kashan. The government had to
pay large amounts of money for the force dispatched to Kashan. Bakhtiary forces
would go to Kashan and in many occasions would not find the Nayebies since the
latter had already left Kashan! When this happened, the Bakhtiaries simply
claimed their payment from the government, then proceeded to plunder the city.
And no one would dare ask for their punishment! (Sharif Kashani, v.3. P.718).
Later on, when the Nayebies came to their senses
and decided to quit their rebellion and stick to their road guarding missions,
they received the approval of the Central Government.18
As result of this newfound loyalty the great
sums of money given to the Bakhtiaries for their useless campaigns were now
cut. The Bakhtiary Khans could not tolerate the loss of that easy income, and
were upset that these former bandits had changed their attitudes, and obtained
official positions from the Central Government. So, they had to do something to
reverse the situation, to show that bandits and rebels will always remain
bandits and rebels! The Bakhtiary therefore tried to prove that the Nayebies
had not changed, and were in fact still robbers and rebels (Navaie and Baghaie,
1379, p. 187).
The Bakhtiary were responsible for a number of
provocations. They sent their own riders to villages to kill and rob people,
but did so in the name of the Nayebies! This was intended to provoke the
Nayebies into reverting to their previous outlaw attitudes. 19
Moreover, they finally succeeded in influencing
the government to send a force of thousands to Kashan, commanded by several
Bakhtiary Khans, including Cheragh Ali Khan Bakhtyary, who, for his part,
boasted a mile-long ugly resume, filled with banditry, murder, and pillage
Dispatching Bakhtiary mercenaries to Kashan to
suppress the Nayebies forced the Nayebies to augment their forces with more men
and to equip themselves with more modern weapons. It is a well-known fact,
however, that all these Bakhtyary incursions against the Nayebies were
negative.
The
Bakhtyary’s interference, constantly trying to take advantage of the mishaps
and disobedience of the Nayebies, can therefore be seen as one important and
effective factor for the continuation of their defiance.
7- International Factors
7.A. British Foreign Policy towards Persia
After the wars of Persia and Russia ( First war
1803- 1813.AD. second war 1826 - 1828 AD.) 20
and in particular with the attack of Mohammad shah to Herat. 1857 AD.21 The British policy was focused
on the weakening of the central government and creation of multiple centers of
power, and turned to decentralized policy.
This policy came to an end from around 1918 to
1919 AD. So in or 1919, particularly during Vossogh - el -Douleh Premiership, England performed a major
political about-face, deciding instead to support the creation of a powerful
central government in Persia.
During the period in which the focus was on
multiple policy centers, rebellions of different sorts took place in many parts
of the country. Nayeb Hossein and his son Mashallah Khan, who apparently were
hostile to British, either willingly or unwillingly helped England achieve its
general goal of keeping power divided. Complete reports of the incidents
related to Nayeby rebellion can in fact be found in the telegrams sent by
British political agents to their superiors!
After the
treaty of 1907 AD,22 which
divided Persia into two restricted areas (Russians in control of the North, the
South in the hands of British, and Tehran and the central desert remaining a
neutral zone), Kashan was considered to be part of the neutral zone, and Great
Britain apparently did not interfere in this region. It should be noted in
passing that Nayeb Hossein had requested to be included in the British zone,
but his request was rejected (Kiyanfar and Estakhri. 1363, p. 268). In spite of
this claim to neutrality, of course, the British carefully watched and
controlled everything that went on in this sensitive area! { this is claim is not supported by any other
acceptable documents.}
Just before the start of First World War, the
Germans began sending spies to different areas of Persia to incite tribes,
ethnic groups, and rebels to oppose the British. Among the groups who
collaborated with the Germans were the Nayebian, Lors, Ghashghaies, and a few
other ethnic minorities. As the result of this favorable tendency towards
Germany
23 the
British changed their policy about keeping power divided in Persia.
During
and after the war, there was always news about the wickedness of the Nayebian
gang, the murders they allegedly committed, and so forth. Raad, a pro British
newspaper, for instance, emphasized the need for the central government to
suppress bandits like the Nayebies. But one observes that there was little news
about this supposed wickedness in other newspapers, such as “Kaveh newspaper,”
a pro-German newspaper. Others only reported on the cooperation and
partisanship of Nayebies with the Nationalists and German forces, especially
during their migration journey to western Persian lands. {The Raad newspaper’s
stories about crimes carried out by Nayebies gang in Kashan could not be true,
as the Naiebies were at that time a thousand kilometers away from Kashan, all
the way in Mesopotamia!}
The great events during the war years,
1914-1918, the decision to join with the Nationalists 24 and their travels in
Mesopotamia, all provided the Nayebies with a great opportunity to forge
contacts and even live with some of the well-educated men who had joined the
migration to establish a Government without a Shah. This proximity had a
positive effect on Nayeb Hossein and his son Mashallah Khan. They realized that Kashan was not the whole
country, but in fact only a very small part of Persia. Soon, the rest of the
men in the Mojahedin group also noticed a positive change in the Nayeby
leaders’ attitudes
It has been written (Ghasemi, 2537, p. 51) that
the “Nayeb is begging permission to visit Karbala from the Persian
government.” {It should be noted that this is not a true statement: for over 18
months Nayeb Hossein and Mashallah Khan, along with his 600 armed men, had
joined the nationalist Mojahedin, and they had no contact with Persian
government! The actual truth is that
Nayeb Hossein and Mashallah Khan asked
the head of Mojahedin (Nezam -al-Saltaneh) to go to Kebala, and visit the
sacred Sherines}
At the
end of the war, the Nayebian returned to their homeland in Kashan. With the
promotion of Vossogh -el-Douleh to the Premiership of Persia [1] British policy had become clearer. Vossogh Al-Douleh
was seeking to collect documents to show to the public the Nayeby gangs
were rebels , brigands and anti government!
He also
claimed he had obtained a document proving that the Nayebys had an agreement
with one or two of the Lor tribes as well as Mirza koochek Khan in Guillan to
form a united front to overthrow the central government. { Toghyan Nayebian, M.R. Khosrovi,
page162.}
The
British authorities, with the advice of Vossogh- el- Douleh, asked Mashallah
Kahn and his men to travel to Tehran to discuss their differences with the
Prime Minister (Vossogh- el- Douleh). He was assured of safe passage. 25
In the meantime, Mashallah Khan accused some
people in Kashan of being Bolsheviks, and informed the authorities in Kashan,
Tehran, and even the British consulate in Esfahan. (Navaie and Baghaie. 1379,
p.273). 26
At first Mashallah Khan was reluctant to go to
Tehran, as he trusted neither the Persian Prime Minister nor the British.
A few weeks later the Prime Minister ordered the
chief of the Persian Gendarmerie to issue another safe conduct assurance for
Mashallah Khan, promising that his life and property would be safe if he
travelled to Tehran. 27
At last Mashallah Khan decided to go to Tehran
in the hope that he might be able to solve the Nayeby's five decades old
disputes with Tehran Government.
Mashallah
Khan finally decided to travel to Tehran, where he was cordially welcomed by
the Prime Minister and some of his officials. In the meantime Vossogh -el-
Douleh made certain that the military forces he sent to Kashan were properly
situated in the Kashan Province, and everything was under his control! Vossogh-
el- Douleh then ordered his Swedish chief of Police to arrest Mashallah Khan
and a few of his associates at the Prime Minister's residence. Of course when
he was arrested the British and the Persian authorities who had issued the safe
conduct for his life and property and given him assurances! Never referred to
or talked about assurances! He was of course arrested as an outlaw and a
brigand who had been in rebellion against the home land, murder and the
confiscation of Government and civilian property. He was the first victim of
changes in British policy with regard to the Persian government’s
centralization of power, and the 1919 protectorate pact!
Sir Persi
Cox, the British ambassador, wrote the following sentences in the attached letter
of 1919 Contract – clear evidence of British political about-face designed to
strengthen the central government. “I
hope you have certainly found that the
British government always has tried to strength your cabinet to restore order
and security inside the country, on one hand, and to create close relationship
between Persia and British
governments, on the other hand. 28
Vossogh-el-Douleh’s opponents had considered
that the British ambassador’s words showed that when England did not support
Nayeb Hossein and Mahallah Khan anymore, at that time Mashallah Khan was
summoned up and a plan was drawn. The British consulate and embassy staff said
to Mashallah Khan that he could travel to Tehran and there was no threat to his
life and property! Mashallah Khan knew very well of the heavy record of murder
and pillage his enemies in Tehran and Kashan had prepared against him; so
without this promise of safety by the British and Persian government, he
definitely would not have had gone to Tehran!
Other
sources have also referred to the support of Nayebian by the British (Aazam
Ghodsi 1349. p39).
After the
execution of Mashallah Khan, Fon Meygoush had written that: “If he [Mashallah
Khan] had behaved differently with England, he would have surely remained as the governor of Kashan (Dagobert, 1377,
p.310).”
The
Russian government had also accepted the active role of England in the central
part of Persia. As the Russian ambassador, in
response to a complaint from one of the Persian officials, once said “These problems
are not related to us because these are internal issues". 29
While the Russians owned large
properties in Kashan, no report of looting the property of Russian nationals in
this city can be found in the literature (SAKMA: 240003770)
7.B- Unemployment
Clearly, unemployment must be considered an important local factor. But
looking for the roots of this problem compelled us to reconsider it as an
international factor. In the Qajar period, and especially after the wars of
Persia and Russia, the establishment of a five percent tax for foreign goods
was based on Turkamanchay convention, and the management of the revenue
administration was given to the Belgians, which meant that foreign goods,
especially fabrics, had to be imported to the country in large quantities. This
heavy import of foreign fabrics was the main reason for the bankruptcy of
Kashan’s textile industries. The number of looms decreased from 8,000 to 800!
That means that 9 out of 10 workshops had to be closed. Some of the unemployed people turned to the
low-quality carpet weaving industry. But most of the unemployed population
could not find a job, because carpet weaving needed primary investment, and
most of the people did not have the required capital.
The closing of the workshops had some effects on agricultural
production, and the production of industrial agricultural goods also stagnated.
Before the slowdown of the textile industry, textile workers earned their
living working for the textile industries, and their normal food consisted of bread
and dairy products. After this industry was closed down, there was no income,
and the workers had difficulty feeding their families.
Unemployment peaked just after the
establishment of a new Constitution, and at that period, many of those who lost
their jobs were hired by Nayebies as road guards. Mashallah Khan was favored by
people, as he provided relief funds to those in need and paid salaries to his
new recruits. 30
The expansion of the Nayebies’ organization,
as well as what the father and son had learnt while in Mesopotamia, were the
main reasons that forced them to seriously review the way they had previously
run their establishments. They turned a 180 degrees from their previous
brigandage activities, deciding to run Kashan and its neighborhood as a
self-determined State, extended their broad rebellion throughout this part of
Persia. It has been said that
if the central Government of Persia had prevented the import of foreign fabrics
into Persia, and had supported local production in Kashan, then the laborers of
textile industries would have left the Nayebies to return to their previous
textile manufacturing businesses! Indeed, this might have been an effective way
to suppress the Nayebies. The general unemployment can therefore be considered one
of the important factors for the initial outbreak and subsequent extension of
the Nayebian rebellion.
Conclusion :
1- The decentralized policy of the
British government of the time had an indirect effect on the prolongation of
the Nayebies’ rebellion.
2. Nayeb Hossein Kashi was the
product of his time. All local, national, and international conditions joined
together to give rise to
such an extensive outbreak.
3. The Constitutional Revolution in
the country and the collapse of the legitimacy of the king’s absolute power
challenged the idea of the “Shah as the Shadow of God” in the mind of the
people. Consequently, any person or group now considered it a right act as a
“ruling Khan.”
4. Persia’s economy, which was
transitioning from independency to dependency, motivated many groups that
benefited from an independent economy. Perhaps these groups, in response to the
abnormal situation, had decided to finance the insurgency in general and to
Nayeb Hossein in particular.
5. The farmers and workers in the
weaving industries were hit harder than others by the transformation of
Persia’s economy. Perhaps their decision to join Nayeb’s rebellion should be
seen as a protest to the existing situation.
6. Britain’s significant political
volte-face toward Persia in the second decade of the 20th century, which can be
seen in the treaty of 1919 A.D., had a direct effect on the suppression of the
Nayebian.
7. The collapse of the Russian
Empire in 1917, and the consolidation of Bolshevik rule, which later toke the
form of the Soviet Union, can be seen as the main reason for the political
change of British foreign policy in the Middle East, and especially in Persia.
8-
With regard to the meaning of a rebellion : " Refusal to accept some
authority or code or convention."
we should not forget that when Nayeb Hossein and his
men, who were happily married, doing well with their wool-dying business, and
were respected as city's gallent athlets, turned to lawlessness, brigandage,
and self-determination, all these had been as the results if injustice,
unfairness, oppression, bullying and coercion towards the oppressed mass of
Kashan citizens,as well as themselves!
References:
1
Lorestan Province (Persian: استان لرستان,
Ostān-e Lorestān and Lurish: لورسوو) is a province of western Persia, amidst the Zagros
Mountains. The population of Lorestan was estimated at 1,716,527
people in 2006.
Lorestan covers an area of 28,392 km². The
major cities in this province are Khorramabad, Borujerd,
Aligoodarz,
Dorood,
Koohdasht,
Azna, Alashtar,
Noor Abad,
Doh Râh/Dowreh, and Pol-e-Dokhtar.
2Kashan is a city in the Isfahan
province of Persia.
Kashan is the first of the large oases along the Qom-Kerman road which runs
along the edge of the central deserts of Persia. Its charm is thus mainly due
to the contrast between the parched immensities of the deserts and the greenery
of the well-tended oasis. Archeological discoveries in the Sialk Hillocks which
lie 2.5 miles (4 km) west of Kashan reveal that this region was one of the
primary centers of civilization in pre-historic ages. Hence Kashan dates back
to the Elamite period of Persia. The Sialk ziggurat still stands today in the
suburbs of Kashan after 7000 years
3
The Qajar dynasty (Persian: Doodmān e
Qājār - دودمان قاجار; also Romanized as Ghajar, Kadjar, Qachar etc.)
was a Persianized
native Persiaian
royal family of Turkic
origin, which ruled Persia (Persia) from 1785 to 1925. The
Qajar family took full control of Persia in 1794, deposing Lotf 'Ali Khan,
the last of the Zand dynasty, and
re-asserted Persian sovereignty over large parts of the Caucasus and Central Asia. In 1796, Mohammad Khan Qajar
seized Mashhad with ease,
putting an end to the Afsharid dynasty, and Mohammad Khan was formally crowned
as shah. In the Caucasus and Central Asia, the Qajar
dynasty eventually permanently lost many of its controlled areas to the
Russians in the course of the 19th century.
4
Kashan: The I.E.T.D.signaller reports 29th March
1915,
Nayeb Hossein is much alarmed at rumors that
troops are coming from Isfahan , Tehran direction towards Kashan and he is
molesting people and says if any force is sent to Kashan he will cause great
trouble to everyone. It is said that the number of his two former chief, who
are against him now at Naragh, are increasing daily.
* * *
Kashan.
I.E.T.D. reports 11th April,
1515.
There
is a rumor that a party of gendarmes coming towards Kashan and Nayebies are
getting prepared to meet them in case of attack.
* * *
July 13, 1919
No.159.
The Gendarmes have arrived at Qom and are standing fast there
for the present. They number 650 and have 7 guns. Ali Khan-i- Mashgooni, with
12 Sawarss, has deserted Mashallah Khan and joined the gendarmes in Qom.
Mashallah is much alarmed and cannot make up his mind whether to obey the
summon to Tehran, oppose the gendarmes, or flee, but it is probable that he
will follow the last course, as he has made all preparations for flight.
5July 1919, No. 147
Urgent.
From Haig Bakhtiaries.
Your
telegram 119.
What is likely to happen if officer commanding
Gendarmerie issues an ultimatum before all roads are blocked is this if
Mashallah does not comply he will flee from (Persian Government) Kashan to one
of his strongholds Siah Kuh. , Jandak
or Karshahi all supplied with water and
situated in middle of waterless desert most difficult to traverse. S.P.R. Will
then be expected to go and dig him out. Colonel Fraser is of opinion that this
operation offered ! so few chances of success that he is not prepared to
undertake it for he believes S.P.R.
cannot well afford at present stage of
their existence to fail in any important undertaking. . .
621
May, 1915.
Doctor
Schaffter C.M.S. just arrived from Kashan . . . . . . Schaffter who had been called in professionally by
Nayeb Hossein was treated with all honors by the bandits . Graham.
7
May 23, 1915.
No.173.
Kashan:
I.E.T.D. under date 23rd May telegraphs:
"Seyyed
Ibrahim, chief adviser of Nayeb Hossein, died during week. By his death lost a
great and valuable assistant for which they are much upset and grieved. Nayeb's
men are quite disorderly and keep plundering and robbing people everywhere that
they go. Nayebs are making fortifications and position on the top surrounding
hills.
8 January
24,1915.
26.. ....
Ardistan.
Kashan:
The following report under date of 24th
January has been received from the I.E.T.D.
signaller at Kashan.
Nayeb Hossein is reported to have undertaken to recover the
effects etc. robbed from the Caravan of Akbar Mirza at Shurab on 23th January (
see Isfahan news No 5 para 35 ). He continues his endeavors to obtain the
Governorship of Kashan and is said to have made large remittances to Tehran
with this object.
January 14th 1917
Kashan. The people have sent a petition by
telegraph to H.R.H Zill Ul -Soltan praying that Mashallah Khan may be appointed
governors, as his present pay is not sufficient for the maintenance of his
Sawars.
January 21st 1917
Mashallah Khan has returned here, and his men are keeping very quiet and
behaving well. The merchant and Mullas appear to be still anxious that he should be appointed
governor.
9 NEWS No. 18 FOR THE WEEK ENDING 2nd MAY !915.
May 2, 1915
In Qom and Kashan the reported approach of the Turks to
Kermanshah has given rise to considerable excitement. In the former there has been difficulty about
cashing notes of the imperial Bank of Persia, in the latter Mashallah khan has offered his
services with those of 3000 men to
the Persian Government, should it declare war on any foreign power.
10 Qom.
The I.E.T.D. reports 13th April as follows:
Gendarmes who were sent away from here
as reported last week returned from Neyzar escorting of about 150 camel loads
of ammunition intended for Tehran.[these ammunitions were taken by a group of
Nayebies headed by Mashallah Khan.]
11Dr.Pugin arrived during week from Tehran and had good
reception by the Nayebs and was put up by Mashallah khan. Dr Pugin has appointed said Mohamed Thagi
Kashani as Turkish consular agent in Kashan. Dr.Pugin has hoisted Turkish flag
at Mashallah khan and Nayeb Ali's residence pretending it belongs to Molla
Rafail a jew who is Turkish subject: All the property of Mashallah khan and
Nayeb Ali is placed at the disposal of Molla Rafail Jew to enable formers to
get Turkish protection. Dr. Pugin left Kashan yesterday for Isfahan.
* * *
April 25, 1915
An Austrain officer
visited Nayebs took photograph of Mashallah 'khan with his Sawars and promised
them every assistance and hopes of setting their affairs.
Mean time telling them that if they go to frontier, Germans
will supply them rifles and ammunition,
* * *
June 6, 1915
No.196 June 30, 1915206
by diplomats but which has been the result of events themselves, demands judicious executors in Russia and England, as well as in Persia, otherwise it runs the risk of undergoing a similar sad fate as did the convention of 1907.
He is so well off now that I think he may be trusted not to take to road again and I believe it would be worthwhile to conciliate him by a friendly message. He is an energetic man and might be useful, He is anti Bakhtiari. He asserted that Persian Government does not pay him enough for the number of the road guards which he maintains, but I do not consider that he can expect us to help him in this direction
( Kashan. I.E.T.D. 6th June reports as follows:
German consul passed here during the week for Isfahan. He paid
a visit to Mashallah khan and gave him some presents and they had private
conversation with the promise to sent German flag from Tehran.
Kashan. German consul
from Isfahan has sent a special man to Mashallah khan here with request to
supply him with 20 Kashi Sawars for Isfahan consulate. ( For security
purposes.)
12
Decipher
No. 151 D. 14th July, 1919.
From Haig Bakhtiaries.
My
telegram No. 147. Mashallah seems to be seriously alarmed and evidently has
good information of movements of Gendarmerie. I do not think he will put up
much of a fight in neighborhood of
Kashan. He is much more likely to flee to Siyah Kuh or Jandak whether he could
hardly be pursued at this time of year. . . .
13American Consulate
Bagdad,
September 3, 1918
Subject:
Persian Politics and Politicians.
The
Honorable
The Secretary of State, State
Washington.
Sir:
. . . . Most of the provincial
governorships are said to be purchased in Teheran, It was an open secret
in the national capital, according to
statements made to me personally by various members of the Persian government, that the last Prime Minister,
Samsam- es -Sultaneh, paid, the Shah 17,000. tomans for; the governorship of
Khorassan province (One toman at the
present rate.
of exchange was worth about $2.00) but before going to that part he bargained with
the Shah for the Premiership at a price of 35,000 tomans, After assuming,
the latter office , having already paid for his governorship, he gave
the Shah a balance of 18.000 to make the total of 35,000; and this is said
to have chagrined the Shah considerably as he, expected full prices
for both posts, not agreeing with Samsam -
es - Sultaneh claim that not having gone to Khorassan the price of that
governorship applied to the position which he did actually assume.
This
is the manner all official positions are bought by volunteers in Persia.
I heard this from many reliable sources
in Tehran. . . . . .
14 236 - July, 1915
Nayebies have ordered
Kashan and Natanz taxes to be collected and paid to them at the rate of Krs.6
per Tuman. Total amounts would come to about 60,000 tumans.
15
From
1906 t0 1921. 14 year there were 28 Prime Ministers! Average life of a prime
minister had been only 6 Months.
16 Archive
The war
Confidential
[48239] No.1.
Mr. Marling to Sir Edward Grey.
(No. 163.)
(Telegraphic) Tehran.
April , 22, 1915.
BASRA telegram No. S94 B of 19th April.
Suggestions
as to reasons to be held out to Ulema have already been dealt with in Sir W.
Townley's telegram No. 74 of 21st February, and cooling off of Jehad movement
In Arabistan and Iraq seems to prove their influence in our favor is producing
results. Leading clergy here are in touch with us and are working in direction
we desire, but their local influence would certainly be impaired if it were
publicly known that we are using them.
In my
opinion these inducements are superfluous, and possibly injurious if addressed'
to Ulema, while, if made public, I would point out that enemy can also hold out
similar inducements and with weighty effect, as it is generally anticipated
here that Germany will win.
As
regards inducements to Persian Government as distinct from Ulema, the
undertaking in 1907 to "respect" the integrity, &c, of Persia has
become mere byword here, and I fear that a guarantee to "maintain"
Persian integrity, even if France were included in declaration, would fall
flat.
Present
Government will do nothing effectual without financial support, and, I fear,
but little, even if we gave it. It is deplorably weak and disunited, and its
only merit is its readiness to resign. I think we ought to work for the
formation of a stronger Cabinet, if possible under Ain-ed-Douleh. He is the
best, perhaps the only, man in Persia capable of dealing with German agitators,
whose activity is increasing. Russian Legation will accept him, and I hope
Russian Government will not insist on Saad-ed-Douleh, who, though capable and
resolute, has no prestige and following in the country possessed by
Ain-ed-Douleh.
(Confidential.)
Russian
Charge d'Affaires seems to be quite ready to agree, but is naturally
disinclined to take action which would commit M. de Etter, who arrives in a
week. I think, however, that time is of first importance.
I
think we should have to support new Ministry financially by agreeing to suspend
interest, which, after all, is scarcely more than making a virtue of necessity,
as it is tolerably certain that Persia will be able to pay but a fraction of
what is due.
Recent
reports represent Swedish officers as more pro-German than ever, and Persian
Government appears to have little control over them.
(Repeated to Petrograd and Basra.) Subject: Political events.
* * *
The Honorable
Secretary of State.
Washington. February
26 1917.
Sir:
I
hope I may be pardoned for burdening the Department with a little small gossip
which' may not be interesting nor useful. The
Department is doubtless aware that possibly no country on earth suffers
so much from Legation Government as does Persia.. It is doubtful if a single
Prime Minister has been appointed in Persia during my stay at this post except
at the request and earnest demand of some Legation. Even Governors of
Provinces are almost universally
appointed through Legations.
17 H.B.M's
consul General.
P.O. 248/ 1168.
January 21st 1917
11. Province:
Ardistan. Chiragh Ail and Reza Juzjani have gone from Natanz.
Chiragh Ali has written to say that he cannot maintain his Sawars in one
village for any length of time and must move from place to place. He is still
in hopes of getting some employment which will enable him to support this Sawars,
and letters of indemnity from the Russian consul and myself. I believe that
Russian consul has sent him such a letter, but I have some claims against him.
Mashallah Khan's methods in Chiragh Ali's seem to have
been drastic, and several women from Mozdaba and Amirabad have telegraphed to H.R.H. Zill- Ul- Soltan, and
the Minister of interior complaining for his cruelty and Of the killing Of Seven Villagers in Kashan.
* * *
March 23, 1919 .
67. I
omitted to mention in last week's news that an important member of Jafar
Qulli's gang had been killed. This man, Mehdi Khan, was supposed to be the man
who wounded my predecessor Mr. Graham, and is known to have committed several
murders. He was sent to India as a prisoner of war, but was released and sent
back to Persia. On his way to Isfahan, where I was to have supplied him with
funds to enable him to continue his journey, he joined Jafar Qulli's gang. Haig.
18 [This Document is the Property of
His Britannic Majesty's Government]
PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA.
Confidential.
[51980] No.
1.
Sir G. Buchanan to Sir Edward Grey, (Received September 22.)
(No. 137.)
(Telegraphic,)
Petrograd, September 22, 1914.
MY telegram No. 413 of
15th September: Persian gendarmerie.
Russian Government state that they have no intention of
protecting Nayeb Hossein. Moreover, the latter, though formerly guilty of acts
of brigandage, had for two years not only given no cause for complaints in this
respect, but had even, in conjunction with his son, greatly contributed to the
maintenance of order on Tehran-Bakhtiaries road, they had given Imperial
Government no reason for anticipating a return to his former lawless pursuits.
* * *
D.21 May 1915.
Doctor Schaffter C.M.S.
just arrived from Kashan reports the Tehran post robbed about 6 p.m. 20th May at Caravan Srai Sangi
between Imamzadeh and Targh by numerous bandits stating themselves to be
followers of Chiragh All Khan Bakhtiari see my tel. No.35 who shortly
afterwards near the same spot attacked Paquet and his party , including Ali
Riza Khan, son of Sardar
Muhtashim both of whom escaped unhurt. Declared object was to demonstrate the futility of the Gendarmerie .
Schaffter who had been
called in professionally by Nayeb
Hossein was treated with all honors by the bandits .
Graham
* * *
No.196
( Kashan. I.E.T.D. 6th June 1915.reports as follows:
German consul passed here during the week for Isfahan. He paid
a visit to Mashallah khan and gave him some presents and they had private
conversation with the promise to sent German flag from Tehran.
19 The following article
written in a Russian newspaper on August 12, 1916. and translated into English
by the American Legation in Tehran explains in detail what went on in Persia.
American Legation
Tehran, Persia
October 12, 1916
Translation of article
In Noroje Vremja, August 12,1916.
Triple entente in the central Orient
A decided
change in the diplomatic, relations between Russia and England took place after
the conclusion of the convention concerning Persian affairs in 1907. The value of this act consisted in
doing away with the Anglo-Russian antagonism formerly felt to a considerable
degree in the Central Orient. This
system of antagonism was the natural consequence of the Anglo-Russian relations
and was Useful neither to England nor to Persia, nor to Russia.
The
convention of 1907, according to the Intentions of its
authors, was to manifest
a radical change in the idea of Russian and English diplomacy concerning
the fundamental tasks of the two countries and their common interests.
Antagonism and hostilities were to be re placed by loyal limitations of
their mutual pretentions, and in case of need, by common action. In
this sense the convention of 1907 was, as events
have since come to pass, an action of great historical Talus. During the seven year of its existence
this act has effaced, in a considerable measure, the prejudices of
English public opinion against Russia
and Russian politics, and aided British statesmanship, during the month of.
July 1914, to take a decision to
place the British Empire definitely at
the side of the Franco-Russian alliance.
Unfortunately, under its proper terms, the convention of 1907
remained almost a dead letter. The
territorial demarcation for Russian and English interests and influence did not
and could not touch Tehran and therefore did not cause any change in the ideas
of the diplomatic and consular officers of the two countries established in
that city, and could not conciliate the radical differences in their point of
view about the fundamental questions of the interior regulation of Persia. That is why things happened in Persia
exactly as though the convention of 1907 had never existed.
Briefly, we have been witness of an elementary change of
external forms of the government structure of Persia. we have seen the elusive
career of the American citizen Shuster, the creation of the Swedo- Persian
Gendarmery
gendarmerie the birth of
German influence in Persia, the painful less of prestige of the Russian and
English names Among the Persian people, the underestimated development of the
Turko-Teutonic propaganda, the arming of the tribes of the North by the
Germans against the Russians and those of the South against the English,
the demotion of the Swedo-Persian Gendarmery,
the defection of the Persian Government itself (and that same government
maintained by Russian and English funds) and finally, the decision of the
Persian Sovereign, the one installed by us, to leave his capital for Qom, the camp
of the German mercenaries.
The foregoing is a list hastily made and in no way complete, of
events in Persia since 1907, It proves clearly that the convention of 1907, in
so far as common action in Persia is concerned, was a complete failure . . . .
(several lines suppressed by the censor).
It is not easy to find another example of an important
diplomatic act, necessarily historic, passed after a profound study and
elaborated with so much care, that has produced so little result.
Happily, at the last moment, . . . (several lines suppressed by
the censor) appeared a savior in the person of General Baratoff with his
heroes, and order was re-established as if by a miracle. As for the diplomats. . . . .(several lines
suppressed by the censor ) again was opened up the possibility of useful
foreign action.
The convention of 1907 was replaced by that of 1916.
The new diplomatic act is more detailed than was the former one
. . . . (several lines suppressed by the censor).
It differs, also from the convention of 1907 by the fact that
the Persian Government figures therein with the same rights as Russia and
England. Nine years ago Persia was
considered as a secondary product of the Anglo-Russian relations. Now she appears
as a contracting party. It is an important prerogative, at least from an
academic point of view.
The convention of 1916, above all, provides for the formation
of a Persian military force. During the epoch of parliamentary Government in
Persia, only one step was taken in this direction, that was the formation of
the Swedish Gendarmerie. At the
critical moment these Swede-Persian forces,
acted in a very pernicious manner towards Persia . The Anglo-Russian diplomats understand, then,
that such events should not be allowed to happen again. In Persia a national
force will be organized, in the North by
Russia, in the south by England .This national Persian, army will be the Cossack Brigade, already existing whose number will be increased to eleven
thousand, comprising, infantry artillery and cavalry. A similar national Persian army will be
formed in the south by English instructors. Due to these measures the Persian
government will have at its disposition a regularly organized force which will
not abandon it to the whims of chance ,will not betray it and will not go over
to the enemy, as did the Swedo- Persian Gendarmerie.
With the same circumspection the convention of 1916
puts into order the financial administration of Persia. This administration
will be placed in the hands of a mixed commission, composed of two Persians,
one Russian, one Englishman and one Belgian, the latter to be president.
The third part of the convention has not an organic character but only a temporary one, Russia and England grant delay to Persia
for the payment of its debts. The receipts of
the northern and southern Persian customs houses, guaranteeing the Persian debts
already contracted with Russia and England, will henceforth be paid into the
Persian treasury.
The Persian Government, on its side, promises to
observe in the present,
war an amicable and friendly neutrality
towards the protecting power, Russia and England. These are the
stipulations of the convention of 1916, by which has just been formed the
Triple Entente of the Central Orient.
From a technical point of view this
convention is more complete than the
convention of 1907. Instead of abstract principles are found
precise administrative measures and institutions. In addition the convention replaces the
masked protection which was created by the convention
of 1907,and which was a complete failure, by the open protectorate over, with the
consent of the Persian Government itself.
The convention of 1916, which has not
been created
2015 April 1917
Qom and Kashan: All the
Persian Cossacks on the road from Tehran to kashan have been recalled to
Tehran.
Mashallah Khan has asked the Persian government to Appoint him
in charge of the road from Qom to Nain and government has agreed on condition
that he sends his two sons as hostage to Tehran. Mashallah Khan has sent his
sons to Tehran and is preparing to place guards on the roads
* * *
Haig: Isfahan Date April 23
1918
Decipher
Mashallah Khan of Kashan has sent to me a
confidential agent protesting his readiness to serve us in any way. In return he is very anxious
for some sort of assurance of friendship from the British Legation. As you Know he has a lurid past and was originally a German
partisan but, it is long since he saw the error of his ways and he has behaved
well and kept the road reasonably safe for some time past.
Tel No:: 95
April
24, 1918 GLT no 64 .
It would
be well worth while to
get hold
of Mashallah
- Khan but
it might be embarrassing if at a later
date S.P.R. extended their sphere
up to
and
beyond Bakhtiaries. Can you negotiate and see exactly what he wants?
I spoke to him and as his
request wrote a letter giving him conformation
E.G.G.April 4
21Recd 7th January 1919
Rajab Ali has occupied Natanz
and plundered people
and treasure there. Masallah
Khan has received orders to proceed
against him but appears to about attitude
of Persian Government towards him.
Mashallah Khan is now deserving of our support and I have assured
him that he may safely obey orders which
he has received and asked him to do his best to crush this brigand. A little encouragement and expression of approval from the Persian Government would not be amiss.
Your tel. No .
6
P.M . inform
me that Sardar Soulat is instructed to attack Rajab Ali at
Natanz. They desire Mashallah Khan to lie
in wait for
him at Kashan in case he should
pass that way. If
he
went
to Natanz they fear he would
attack the opportunity of plundering Soulat's property.
* * *
Ardistan. See parp 2. Mashallah Khan has
plundered and destroyed Mazdabad,
Amirabad, Zavareh and Muqar, and is strengthening the fort at Karshahi. It is to be feared that Chiragh Ali and Reza will escape punishment
for their crimes. The government of Yazd apparently took no steps against them
and they are quiet safe in Nain. They have now open negotiations with the force
in Ardistan and Prince Sarem -Ul-Douleh says that he fears it will be necessary
to pardon them. This is unfortunate as there are heavy claims against them.
22 The 1804–1813 Russo-Persian War, was one of the many wars
between the Persian Empire and Imperial
Russia, and began like many of their wars as a territorial dispute.
The newly Persian king, Fath Ali Shah Qajar, wanted to
consolidate the northernmost reaches of his Qajar
dynasty comprising modern day Georgia
and Dagestan,
who got annexed by Tsar Paul several years after
the signing of the Treaty of Georgievsk, the sack of Tblisi, and the Russo-Persian War of 1796.
Like his Persian counterpart, the Russian Tsar Alexander I was also new to
the throne and equally determined to control the disputed territories. The war
ended with the Treaty of Gulistan which ceded
the vast majority of the previously disputed territories to Imperial Russia.
23 The Anglo–Persian War lasted between November 1,
1856 and April 4, 1857, and was fought between Great Britain and Persia
(which was at the time ruled by the Qajar
dynasty). In the war, the British opposed an attempt by Persia to
press its claim on the city of Herat. Though Herat had been part of Persia under the
Qajar
dynasty at the time the war broke out, it had declared itself
independent under its own rebellious emir and placed itself under the protection of the
British in India and in alliance with the Emirate of Kabul (the forebear of the
modern state of Afghanistan). The campaign was successfully conducted under the
leadership of Major General Sir James Outram
in two theatres—on the southern coast of Persia near Bushehr
and in southern Mesopotamia. The war resulted
with Persia withdrawing from Herat and signing a new treaty in which it
surrendered its claims on the city and the Brits withdrawing from southern
Persia.
24 Signed on August 31, 1907, in St. Petersburg, Russia, the
Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 brought shaky British-Russian
relations to the forefront by solidifying boundaries that identified
respective control in Persia, Afghanistan,
and Tibet.
This agreement seemingly ended a long-standing struggle for power that had gone
on at the expense of less-developed regions throughout Central
Asia. Though these imperial powers had experienced relatively few
major conflicts between them over the previous hundred years, an underlying
rivalry, otherwise known as “the
Great Game”, had exacerbated the situation to such an extent that
resolution was sought by the early 20th century. As a consequence of the
Anglo-Russian agreement, they crushed any chance of Persian autonomy. The idea
of a reformed Persian state was not what these powers had in mind; they enjoyed
both stability and control in Persia and planned to keep it that way. Overall,
the Convention represented a carefully calculated move on each power's part in
which they chose to value a powerful alliance over potential sole control over
various parts of Central Asia.
25 The Enemy(April
l9,1515.)
Ardistan: Developements fail.
Pro-Turkish movements in Qum and Kashan.
Mashallah Khan offers his services to Persian
Government for War.
* * *
Sir w. Townley to sir edward grey.—(received january 28.)
(telegraphic.) Tehran,January
28,1915.
Your telegram No. 21 of 26th january.
I
entirely agree with view of Russian minister for foreign affairs that no advance should be made until we are more sure
of our ground. I am most unwilling |to believe that present
cabinet is playing us false without conclusive proof of their treachery being
produced. Their tenure of office is, however, most uncertain, and money given
to friends to-day might well be used by enemies to-morrow. Prime f minister has
practically resigned. It has quite passed out of the power of my Russian
colleague and myself to procure nomination of ministers.
The
sooner Russian troops drive Turks out of Azerbaijan the better. A signal of
defeat of Turks can alone re-establish situation in our favor. Reports of
Turkish successes and German victories have so encouraged hostile elements that
there is hardly a man left on our side to-day in Tehran. Papers that have
published our [telegrams are practically boycotted. Much the same situation is
reported from Isfahan, yezd, kashan and Hamadan. Meshed and shiraz appear to be
calm at present, and kermanshah still favorable to us.
Chef de cabinet told me
yesterday that Persian government had been officially assured by Turkish grand
vizier that turkey would entirely evacuate Persia if [Russia did the same. I
referred him to turkey's attitude on the frontier of Aarabistan, [and said that
i had more faith in a crushing Russian victory to restore Persians to their
senses than in assurances of a Turkish grand vizier, of which his majesty's
Government had had experience.
If
there is not an overwhelming Russian advance within a short time, situation
here will become most serious. Present Cabinet talk about war with Turkey, but
I much doubt if the people would acquiesce in its declaration. I have Bakhtiary
insurances that they will resist Turkish advance in Arabistan, whether Persia
is at war with Turkey or not.
[232ee-8]
26
April
29, 1915
The
German Minister visits the Nayeb's head quarters in Kashan and hoists German
and Turkish flag at Mashallah khan head quarters, indicating Nayebies are
protected by Germany.
27 No. 295
Tehran, Persia May,
26, 1916
Subject: Political Affaires
The Honorable
The secretary of State,
Washington.
Sir:
I have the honor to report that there seems to be
popular discontent with the present Persian Cabinet. The Minister of the
Interior, Sardar Mansoor, who has lately succeeded to the title of Siphahdar,
has resigned his portfolio.
Vossogh-ed-Douleh is Prime Minister with portfolio of Minister of
Foreign Affairs. He is very Intellectual but classed with the, reactionaries.
He was Foreign Minister during Mr. Shuster's term as
Treasurer General of Persia and was classed by the latter as being the foremost in urging the acceptance of
Russia's demand for Shuster's
dismissal. He has even been accused of having himself prepared and instigated the ultimatum demand demanding Shuster
discharge.
The
Democrats and other constitutionalist have taken much heart from recent events in Russia and
the Utterance
of the president of the Russian Duma and other Russian officials, admitting a
change of attitude and intention towards Persia. (See copies of attached
telegrams). Some have also taken heart and have been inspired by the presence
of and speeches made by Russian social-democrats in different places in Persia.
It
seems quite natural therefore that a clamor should be made for a change of Cabinet and that
Mostofi-ol-Momalek or someone in entire sympathy with popular government be
made Prime Minister before, the elections are held.
Mostofi-ol-Mamnlek is the one statesman
in whose integrity and Patriotism every Persian has the utmost confidence. The
only criticism of him comes from his inclination to procrastinate and. delay.
Confidential:
It is said that upon the announcement of
the news here that the new Russian Government proposed a different and more
acceptable attitude towards Persia, Sir Charles Marling, the British Minister,
became very much exercised and vexed and made frequent and pointed representations to his government, until the
new Russian Premier assured Sir George Buchanan, that he, the said Premier
had only spoken of Persia and the. new attitude towards her in general
terms, and that there was to be in fact no change of Russian
policy towards Persia. This statement seemed to satisfy
Sir Charles. against whom some of the
Persian Democrats seem to harbor a growing
feeling of bitterness and distrust. It was generally known here that
only two or three days before the sudden revolution in Russia, the British
Minister had prepared to go to Petrograd
to settle the Persian question , which many Persians construed to mean
definite arrangements to divide the Empire.
When, on the 8th instant the Prime
Minister requested His Majesty, the Shah, to accept the former's resignation,
the request was denied, but the Shah insisted on
certain changes in the Cabinet, and the placing of three certain Democrats
therein. This proposed change was communicated to the British and the Russian
Legations, the latter of which offered no particular , or, at least very little objection, but, the British Minister
emphatically and indignantly protested against these proposed officials
asserting that the same were Great Britain's enemies and had some time past
been in collusion with and in the employ of
the Germans, of which facts he had abundant proof. The changes were not made.
I
have the honor to be,
Sir,
Your'
obedient servant
* * *
P. Cox to Earl Curzon.—(Received September 1.)
(No. 130.)
My Lord, Tehran,
August 11, 1919.
No unusual incidents have been reported from the
central and southern provinces. The attitude of Mashallah Khan, the ex brigand
of Kashan, has been unsatisfactory for some time past, and coercive measures
were contemplated, but he has now notified his intention to comply with the
orders sent to him to appear in Tehran.
[1234101
28
No.1
American Consulate
Bagdad, September 3, 1918
Subject: Persian Politics and Politicians.
The Honorable
The
Secretary of State, State .
Washington.
Sir:
I
have the honor, in continuation of my dispatch of September 2, 1018, to submit
the following comment on Persian politics and Persian politicians.
After
the revolution of 1906, which brought about the granting of a constitution to
his people by the Shah of Persia, there were in that Country roughly two
divisions of those interested in politics. The strong and influential division
was the Constitutionalist party, and the opposing elements formed the Conservative party. The
issue between these two parties was at first well defined, but as the
Constitution became firmly established the two parties gave way to a new one
which is now commonly known as the Democratic party. This party is the result
of Russian and British interference in Persian affairs, which has developed
among the educated and official class of Persians a dislike for Europeans in
general. Meeting on the common ground of "Persia for the
Persians" the governing classes in the country have developed the
Democratic party. There are several
factions of democrats. But the difference between them seems to be the degree
of their dislike for foreigners ( more particularly Europeans) The extent to
which they are interested is cleaning foreign Political or government affairs
of all foreigner influence.
Position
are of little interest to the large majority of the Persian people and the
influencing or controlling elements in
the political life of the country are those members of the so called
professional governing class, most of whom live at Teheran, and, of course, the
political agents or representative of certain foreign powers directly
interested in Persian affairs. That there is a professional governing class
may be understood by noting the personnel of the many cabinets which have come
and gone during the past few years. Some of the prominent politicians in
Teheran have held at different times most of the portfolios in the cabinet, and
a few of them have been Prime Minister at least once,
and some of them may have headed on the different occasion cabinet of
entirely different political complexions.
what is true of the cabinet may
also be said to be true of the Several provincial governorships.
The average Persian politician
considers the holding of office mainly as an opportunity for enriching himself
and his friends, and there are in the professional governing class but few
men who are considered sincere patriots and therefore honest officials. This circumstance permitted a very active
meddling in Persian political affairs by the Russians until their revolution a
year ago, and it probably has been and is of considerable use to the British in
acquiring their present fairly complete control-of Persian affairs in their
interest, as is asserted, of allied, policy In general in the present war, and
certainly in the protection of India and of their position in the Persian Gulf.
The Bakhtiaries of southern Persia are at
present the most influential of the various district Persian tribes, in
politics at Teheran, They acquired
their great influence in the revolution of 1906 and 1909 as the strongest and most
active supporter of the constitutionalist movement, and have retained it. The
Bakhtiaries are usually represented in the cabinet. and Samsam - es- Sultaneh,
the Prime Minister who preceded the one at present in power, is an important
Bakhtiari chieftain.
The Bakhtiaries, in common with other
Nomad Persian tribes, have always been accused of living largely by
plundering travelers, and it is
generally asserted that they; have refined and developed this common plundering
instinct to a high degree for use upon the Persian treasury since their coming
into power at Teheran. They are in
some ways patriotic Persians but seem not yet to have developed that sense of
clean government which Persia so badly needs.
It is also generally asserted, and
apparently with considerable truth, that eight out of every ten of the more
prominent members of the professional governing class in Teheran not only
enrich themselves at the expense of the government and people when in office,
but that they also accept bribes from foreigners interested in controlling
Persian affairs, special reference always being made to the considerable
quantities of Russian and British money which many of them are understood to
have received in recent years. It
is generally stated in Tehran both by
the interested and the uninterested that the British Legation disbursed
approximately a hundred thousand pounds sterling in may, June and July, to bring about the
appointment of a prime Minister and
cabinet suitable to British policy.
The Prime Minister appointed on August 5 is alleged to have been the
result, and this official is known to have included in his cabinet the Persian politicians
who has been active in Tehran in British interests; the man in question being
the son of Prince Farman Farma, Governor of the large Persian province of Fars and an
outspoken Anglophiles
The Minister of the Interior, subject
usually to the Shah's approval, appoints provincial governors . This portfolio
has in the last two cabinets been held
by the Prime Minister and as the present Prime Minister, Vossogh-ed-Douleh; is
a reputed Anglophile it gives the British the power of securing through him a
corps of provincial governors who will
work in the interest of their policy as regards Persia, However, more than twenty of the
twenty-eight provincial governors holding office prior to the Voasogh-ed-Doulah
cabinet, were considered purchasable with British influence or money, or with
the money or influence of any power
which might have control of affairs in Teheran,
The Constitution of 1906 granted the
people a Medjliss or popular assembly, but for two years there has been, no
Medjliss. The Shah called an election
last year and deputies from the Teheran district only were elected, the
election in the provinces not being held by the governors because, according to report, the Russians and British
used their influence to that end as they would naturally find it much easier
and cheaper to control only a cabinet in Teheran, where as if a MedJliss were
in session considerably greater effort and money would be required to control Persian
political affairs according to their desires.
Another report is that the
Persians did not want a Medjliss as they
were afraid it might take some action
which would involve them in the world war. However, that may be. The Persians
have not availed themselves of unity right to have a Madjliss.. . . . . . The mass of the people are not, of course,
interested in politics, and are indifferent as to whether or not a
Madjliss exists.
Practically therefore, Persia's
constitution is at present suspended,
although no one seems to care. The
people who have any interest at all in
their government assume in their indifference that when the time is propitious,
they Will again have their Medjliss, and such measure of so-called-popular
government as it gives them. Probably
one great reason for this is that Tehran, while always a political storm
center, seems to have little if any influence felt in the provinces excepting
through the provincial governors; but these officials are generally, willing to
forget Teheran for the time being in
order more fully to improve their opportunities for making the sums they
expected to acquire from their
official positions.
In understanding the relation of the
provincial governments to Tehran, note should be made of the fact that many of
the provincial capitals can be reached from Teheran only after a caravan trip
of some days. In no case is a provincial capital connected with
Teheran by railroad, although practically all of them do have telegraphic communicate with the
national capital. In certain
favored localities travel done by post carriages. But the only railroad in
Persia is the railroad running from Tabriz north to Caucasia. The caravan
and carriage roads are in some parts
of the country blocked with snow during winters, and in some instances travel is dangerous on account of bandits. 'These and many other difficulties tend to isolate the various provincial
governments from Teheran with results that hinder national progress. There is also a considerable lack of union and
common interest in the relations of the provinces with each other and with Teheran, principally
because the population of Persia is made
up of so many different tribes between which insufficient sympathy or understanding exists; and in many
cases the different tribes are openly antagonistic to each other. Practically
the only interest common to
all Persians is their religion, and that interest is in many instances not a
strong one.
Vossogh
- ed - Douleh , the present Premier, is generally conceded to be the strongest
and ablest Persian at present in public life. He is reputed an Anglophile. . .
.
A great many of the members of the professional
governing class in Tehran are of the second, third and even fourth generation
of holding families.
It is
said that until recent years it was very, seldom that any new factions are
introduced, or admitted from the
provinces and the only notable exception to this general rule which
has occurred in recent years was the
admission of the Bakhtiary leaders to a
Share in the office holding at Tehran. Reference to which has already been made in this dispatch.
Azerbaijan
province, the richest in Persia, and the governor of which is always
the Crown Prince, is said to have its own political faction,
which, owing to the Turanian nature of the population of that province, are Democrats of Turkish and German
inclinations, principally because of their hatred of Russia. This
province does not appear to
interfere with the remainder of Persia, to which it is considered quite different, but It has given the
various Shahs considerable worry by Its
independent attitude towards the Tehran government. The most recent example of
this independence was the threat of Azerbaijan to secede If Vosaogh -ed-Douleh, the present Premier
were appointed to that position last May as was then planned. Probably
this attitude was inspired by
Turkish and German agents who knew of the Anglophile tendencies of Vossogh - ed
- Douleh, inspite of considerable pressure from the British, until after
Azarbaijan was occupied by the Turkish troops .
I
have the honor to be ,
Sir,
Your
obedient servant,
American
Counsel
29 June 29 , 1919
No.147.
Mashallah Khan has sent his son and brother to Tehran and is
said to be leaving himself for Tehran in a few days time. Most of the Gendarmes
have left Qum for Sultanabad, which is in future to be the headquarters of the
detachment formerly station at Qum.
Mashallah Khan has posted a notice on the gates of Kashan and
threatening to punish severely anybody found engaged in Bolshevik propaganda.
On the governor's asking him whether he had reason to suspect the presence of
any Bolshevik agents in the town, he replied that he had only heard rumors that
they were likely to visit the town.
30 On
July 9th, the Minister wired Haig a paraphrased extract : Begins. No. 119. The
Prime Minister asked me to inform you that Fazlollah Khan, the Officer
Commanding the Gendarmes, detailed to go to Isfahan, is being ordered to
advance towards Kashan and when within
a suitable distance to send Mashallah Khan an ultimatum calling upon him to proceed to Tehran at once, in
which case His life and property
will be
spared, and,
failing immediate compliance he
is to take measures to attack Mashallah Khan. In this case the Prime Minister
hoped that Fraser would advance from the other side and co-operate. Please
comply or comment.
31No. 4.
Sir
P. Cox to His Highness Vossug-ed-Douleh.
Your
Highness, British Legation, Tehran, August 9, 1919.
I TRUST your Highness has been able, during
your successful direction of affairs-of the Persian State, to convince yourself
that His Britannic Majesty's Government have always endeavored to support to
the utmost the efforts of your Highness Cabinet on the one hand to restore
order and security in the interior of the country, and on the other to maintain
a policy of close co-operation, between the Persian and British Governments.
As further evidence of the goodwill by
which the Cabinet of London is inspired, I am now authorized to inform your
Highness that, in the event of the agreement regarding projects of reforms
which your Government contemplates introducing in Persia being concluded, His
Britannic Majesty's Government will be prepared in due course to co-operate
with the Persian Government with a view to the realization of the following desiderata:.
. . .
32 Tehran,
Persia
July
8, 1920
Quarterly
report No. 8.
The
Honorable
The
Secretary of State,
Washington.
.
. . . . After
some negotiations between the Persian and Russian - Soviet Governments, the
latter promised to withdraw all their forces from Persia as soon as military requirements permitted.| and
as free and safe navigation of the Caspian Sea had been re-established in
accordance with the third and seventh
points of the Bolshevik note to Persia under date of June 26, 1919;
point three being: "The Caspian Sea will be declared free for sailings of
ships under Persian flags." Point seven:
"The Soviet Government is prepared to negotiate with Persia
regarding the handing over to the independent Persian people Russian port
appurtenances at Enzali". And the Soviet Government expressed a desire to
enter Into friendly relations and negotiations with Persia, saying that they
hoped there would be a "rapprochement " between the Persian and
Russian people on the basis of the principles of their absolute self
determination and independence." . . . .
33July
19,1915
No.255
Kashan.
By strict orders of Nayeb landlords are repairing and whitening all the shops and
Bazars, repairing the old ones with new good ones & etc, and Nayebies
themselves are doing repairs to
water reservoirs and Masjids of the town.
* * *
Kashan.
Mashallah
Khan has returned here, and his men are
keeping quiet and behaving well. The
merchant and Mullahs appear to be
still anxious that he should be appointed governor.
* * *
25 February 1917.
Kashan:
There is trouble here
owing to the increase of the Taxes and also owing to scarcity of grain and a
rise in the price of bread. No grain is expected from Iraq. Mashallah Khan has
warned merchants and holders of stocks of wheat, unless they sell their stocks
at moderate rates, He will confiscate them and distribute them to the poor.
* * *
21 October 1917
Kashan:
Six persons died of
starvation during the week. Mashallah Khan ordered to distribute to the value
of 100 tomans daily bread free of charge to the needy people of Kashan.
* * *
18th November, 1917.
No. 288.
Reports of distress come
in from all cities. A committee was formed at Qum to relieve the distress by
means of the establishment of cheap bakeries. The cost of which was to have
been partly met by subscription. But the committee soon discontinued its
activity as there was a prospect of the town's being invaded by the poor of the
district.
In kashan Mashallah Khan has been obliged to close two of the
seven of his bakeries. due to scarcity of wheat, and twenty five have died of
starvation.
34January
14th 1917
Kashan. The people have sent a petition by
telegraph to H.R.H Zill Ul -Soltan praying that Mashallah Khan may be appointed
governors, as his present pay is not sufficient for the maintenance of his
Sawarss.
* * *
Kashan.
Mashallah Khan has returned here, and his men are keeping quiet and behaving well. The merchant and
Mullas appear to be still anxious that
he should be appointed governor.
* * *
25 February 1917.
Kashan:
There is trouble here
owing to the increase of the Taxes and also owing to scarcity of grain and a
rise in the price of bread. No grain is expected from Iraq. Mashallah Khan has
warned merchants and holders of stocks of wheat, unless they sell their stocks
at moderate rates, He will confiscate them and distribute them to the poor.
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